Artist’s Concept of Curiosity’s touchdown(credit: Wikipedia)
The remote detection of spectral features in the infrared that suggest abundant clay minerals on the surface of Mars is the basis for a widely-held view that Mars may once have had moist climatic conditions that encouraged life to form (see The Martian ‘sexy beast’ in September 2012 EPN). The presence of clays, along with suggestive landforms, has also been used to speculate that Mars once harboured long-lived lakes and perhaps even a huge ocean on its northern hemisphere, between 3.7 to 4.1 Ga. It was the clays that pitched the recently arrived Curiosity (aka Mars Exploration)Rover at the Gale crater and its central Aeolis Mons. The latter, also known as Mount Sharp, preserves about 5 km of layered rocks, the lowest of which are clay-rich and hypothesised to be sediments laid down in a lake that filled the crater. Provided Curiosity operates according to plan, we will know soon enough whether or not the layered rocks of Mount Sharp are indeed sediments, but a soon-to-be-published article suggests another explanation than weathering for the production of abundant clay minerals on Mars (Meunier, A. et al. 2012. Magmatic precipitation as a possible origin of Noachian clays on Mars. Nature Geoscience, published online 9 September 2012; DOI: 10.1038/NGEO1572).
Layered rocks on the flanks of Mount Sharp in Gale crater from Curiosity’s Mastcam (NASA Goddard via Flickr)The French-US team provides evidence from terrestrial lavas that abundant iron- and magnesium-rich clays, known as smectites, may form at a late stage during crystallization of magma. If magma contains water – and most magmas do – as more and more anhydrous silicates crystallise during cooling water builds up in the remaining liquid. Once silicate crystallisation is complete there remains a watery fluid capable of reacting with some of the silicates to form clay minerals; a process often referred to as pneumatolysis. How much clay is formed depends on the initial water content of the magma. Pneumatolysisoperates on hot lava, whereas weathering occurs at ambient temperature provided the climate is able to support liquid water at the surface. Mars is currently far too cold for that, and ideas of a wet surface environment earlier in the planet’s history demand an explanation for a much warmer climate. Clay minerals do not appear to be present in Mars’s younger rocks, so Meunier and colleagues suggest that as the planet’s mantle evolved early water-rich magmas were gradually replaced by ones with less water: interior Mars was gradually de-gassed and its magmas lost the ability to alter minerals that crystallised from them.
Now, clay minerals are extremely resistant to change except through high-temperature metamorphism. Once formed they can be blown around – Mars has probably always been a very windy place – to end up in aeolian sediments that are plentiful on Mars. Also, if occasionally water flowed on the surface perhaps by subsurface water venting suddenly, fine-grained pneumatolytic clays would easily be picked up, concentrated as flow speed lessened and deposited in waterlain sedimentary layers. A dilemma that faces the Curiosity science team is what significance to assign to clays in sediment layers, when they no longer provide unequivocal evidence of weathering. But will the resistant layers on Mount Sharp turn out to be pneumatolytically altered lava flows? Note added 28 September 2012: The first scientific triumph of the Curiosity Rover is imagery of sediments in what had been suggested to be an alluvial fan washed into Gale crater. They show gravels with rounded pebbles.
Eclogite: the red-brown mineral is garnet, omphacite is green and there is some white quartz.(credit: Kevin Walsh via Wikipedia)
The ultra-dense form of basalt, eclogite made from mainly garnet and a strange high-pressure, low-temperature pyroxene (omphacite) that forms from plagioclase and some of the basalt’s ferromagnesian minerals, is possibly the most important rock there is. Without the basalt to eclogite transition that takes place when ocean-floor is subducted the density of the lithosphere would be insufficient to pull more ocean floor to destruction and maintain the planetary circulation otherwise known as plate tectonics. Since the transition involves the formation of anhydrous eclogite from old, cold and wet basalt water is driven upwards into the mantle wedge that lies over subduction zones. The encourages partial melting which creates andesite magmas and island arcs, the ultimate source of the Earth’s continental crust.
Despite being cold and rigid, subducted oceanic lithosphere somehow manages to be moved en masse, showing its track by earthquakes down to almost 700 km below the Earth’s surface. A major ophiolite in the Western Alps on the Franco-Italian border escaped complete loss to the mantle by rebounding upwards after being subducted and metamorphosed under high-P, Low-T condition when the Alps began to form. So the basaltic crustal unit is eclogite and that preserves a petrographic record of what actually happened as it descended (Angiboust, S. et al. 2012. Eclogite breccia in a subducted ophiolite: A record of intermediate depth earthquakes? Geology, v. 40, p. 707-710). The French geologists found breccias consisting of gabbroic eclogite blocks set in a matrix of serpentinite and talc. The blocks themselves are breccias too, with clasts of eclogite mylonite set in fine-grained lawsonite-bearing eclogite. The relationships in the breccias point to possibly earthquake-related processes, grinding and fracturing basalt as it was metamorphosed: an essentially brittle process, yet the shearing that forms mylonites does seem reminiscent of ductile deformation too.
The deformation seems to have been at the middle level of oceanic crust where oceanic basalt lavas formed above cumulate gabbro, their plutonic equivalents. Yet much deformation was also at the gabbro-serpentinite or crust-mantle boundary, where water loss from serpentine may have helped lubricate some of the processes. Clearly the Monviso ophiolite will soon become a place to visit for geophysicists as well as metamorphic petrologists.
Carbonaceous chondrite meteorite. (credit: Mila Zinkova via Wikipedia)Comet Hyakutake. (credit: E. Kolmhofer & H. Raab via Wikipedia)
Because they can be so big, consist mainly of water ice and there are probably a great many lurking in the outer reaches of the solar system impacting comets have long been thought to have delivered the water that makes the Earth so dynamic and, so far as we know, the only place in near-space that hosts complex life. Remote sensing studies of the isotopic composition of water in one comet (Hartley 2) caused great excitement in 2011 by showing that its ratio of deuterium to hydrogen was very similar to that of Earthly ocean water. Other D:H ratios have recently been published from a suite of meteorites gleaned from the surface of Antarctic ice (Alexander, C.M.O’D. et al. 2012. The provenances of asteroids, and their contributions to the volatile inventories of the terrestrial planets. Science, v. 337, p. 721-723). These meteorites are carbonaceous chondrites thought to be the source of much of the solid material in planets of the Inner Solar System. To cut short a long and closely argued argument, it seems that the CI-type chondrites’ water is isotopically quite different from that in analysed comets, knocking another popular hypothesis on the head; that comets and carbonaceous chondrites formed in the same part of the Solar System.
Since hydrocarbons in comets – known from interplanetary dust particles – contain hydrogen with a far richer complement of its heavy isotope deuterium than does cometary water ice, the crashing of entire comets onto planets such as the Earth would not produce the observed terrestrial D:H ratio even though their water ice alone does match it. The US, British and Canadian meteoriticists conclude what seems to be a unifying explanation whereby CI chondritic solids and volatiles alone would have been able to form the Inner Planets and their various complements of water by initial accretion. Comets as a second-stage source, in this account, are relegated to mere curiosities of the Solar System with little role to play other than occasional big impacts that may, or may not, have influenced evolution by the power that they delivered not through their chemistry.
Dreaming Spires (credit: Steve Daniels via Wikipedia)
Brian Deer, the British investigative journalist who exposed Andrew Wakefield’s methods that implicated the MMR vaccine as a cause of autism, has broadened his scope to research misconduct throughout science (Deer, B. 2011. Doctoring the evidence: what the scientific establishment doesn’t want you to know. The Sunday Times, 12 August 2012, p. 16). His article comes in the wake of several related articles in leading scientific journals (Enserink, M. 2012. Fraud-detection tool could shake up psychology. Science, 6 July 2012, p. 21-22. Macilwain, C. 2012. The time is right to confront misconduct. Nature, 2 August 2012, p. 7. Godlee, F. 2012.Helping institutions tackle research misconduct. The British Medical Journal, 10 August 2012). The focus has shifted in the last decade from a major campaign against plagiarism by students tempted by the information largesse of Wikipedia, Google and other electronic treasure troves to unwholesome behaviour among university academics. In an age when redundancy at universities has become an issue for the first time in nine centuries, many academics – frenzied by looming cuts – are engaged in a Gaderene rush for promotion and funding. The now obligatory stream of ‘learned’ papers seeks to justify their own puff and, equally as important, the puff of their departments, faculties and institutions trying to blag their corporate way through funding shortages. Misconduct is the child of education-as-commodity.
There are three mortal sins of academic fraudulence: plagiarism, including self-plagiarism (see Self-plagiarism, 6 January 2011); data falsification, including fiddling with those of other people (see Sabotage in Science, 4 November 2010), and fabrication of data, such as starting with a made-up graph and then using it to create plausible values in a table. Venial sins include publishing much the same data and interpretations again and again. The last highlights one of the reasons why miscreants get away with their chicanery and benefit from it; sloppy academic editing and even sloppier peer review.
Deer observes that ‘The science establishment’s consensus is that there is no need for outside scrutiny because … science is above that kind of misconduct that has tainted the Roman Catholic church, politics, the press and, of course, the banks.’ But, as in these notorious cases, the lid is coming off scientific misconduct, largely through the bravery of ‘whistle-blowers’ within the system. Yet the offenders who have been unmasked were unfortunate enough to work in institutions that have appropriate investigative mechanisms and the will at high office to use them. That determination to maintain the highest ethical standards is perhaps not as widespread as it once was.
Geoscientists have yet to figure much in the rogues’ gallery of malfeasants, except for the odd light-fingered palaeontologist. That may have something to do with the vagueness of much of their scope, epitomised by the trajectory of a lithological boundary on a geological map of poorly exposed ground. Indeed, virtually every aspect of the science is open to many interpretations, and errors of omission are perhaps more common than those of commission – any field worker knows that they will inevitably have missed something. But there are quantitative, laboratory-based aspects of the science, such as radiometric dating, that are more readily scrutinised for malpractice. In the early days of using radioactive isotopes and their daughter products to work out an age for an igneous or metamorphic event a common analytical tool was the isochron plot, as in the Rb-Sr method. A ‘good’ age was signified by all the data points falling on or very close to the line of best fit from which an age was calculated. Consequently, there may well have been cases where errant data were conveniently ‘lost’, but there was no way of telling.
That it did happen emerged from the honesty of those isotope geochemists who openly admitted that some mass-spectrometry runs had been omitted because the samples showed some signs of ‘contamination’ or ‘open-system behaviour’. For that they were merely taken to task by those who disagreed with their findings, but excused by those whose ideas the results supported: ethically honest. But how many Rb-Sr runs never made it to a published data table? Things are now a great deal more sophisticated than the days of punched tape and IBM cards in the geochemistry lab, geophysical software and that used for the growing cottage industry of process modelling. So much data and such a wealth of corrections that vast spreadsheets develop in the course of analysis, correction and calculation: few peer reviewers are going to go through data-processing steps with a fine-tooth comb, even if they have been lodged in public data repositories. Such settings provide ample scope for data invention, ‘fiddling’, ‘fudging’ and, in labs with a cavalier attitude to security, stealing but little way of pinning down any malpractice: that is, unless a culprit is either carelessly overconfident or a serial offender. A simple test that any peer reviewer might apply, most usefully at random, is to ask for a copy of laboratory notes associated with a manuscript. If one is not forthcoming, then suspicions will arise naturally.
A measure of just how much dodgy behaviour may go on is a survey conducted by Daniele Fanelli of the Institute for the Study of Science, Technology & Innovation, at the University of Edinburgh (Fanelli, D. 2009. How Many Scientists Fabricate and Falsify Research? A Systematic Review and Meta-Analysis of Survey Data. PLoS ONE, 4, e5738 http://www.plosone.org/article/info%3Adoi%2F10.1371%2Fjournal.pone.0005738). In it he found that up to a third of all researchers admit – anonymously – to engaging in shoddy practices, while around 2% admitted to having fabricated, falsified or modified data or results at least once. When asked off the record about colleagues, 85% of researchers reported suspicious behaviour known to them, 14% for data falsification.
Ivory Towers, Chancery Lane, London. (credit: Colin Smith via Wikipedia)
Time cannot be far off when the red laser-beam spot moves across geoscience labs and individual geoscientists. Are they audited by disinterested peers and in such a small tightly-knit discipline are there such individuals? Do managing academics scrupulously keep records themselves and demand that their research fellows do likewise? Are there victims or witnesses brave enough to blow the whistle on any spite, fraud or slovenly methods, or will our science remain in its habitual state of bliss?
Reconstruction of a Neanderthal man (H. Neumann / Neanderthal Museum)
There is no doubt that the reconstruction of DNA from Neanderthal and Denisovan fossils is the most important forensic breakthrough as regards hominin evolution and relationships, but another approach has is starting to shed light on past lifestyles. Most workers have regarded Neanderthals as being predominantly meat-eaters from the evidence for their big-game hunting feats. In an attempt to get close to their actual diet some researchers have begun to exploit the lack of dental hygiene among fossil hominins: many teeth bear plaque or dental calculus (hardy, K. and 16 others 2012. Neanderthal medics? Evidence for food, cooking, and medicinal plants entrapped in dental calculus. Naturwissenschaften, v. 99, p. 617-626). Karen Hardy of the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona and British, Spanish and Australian colleagues used gas chromatography and mass spectrometry and analysis of trapped microfossils in Neanderthal teeth to explore their everyday lives.
The results show signs of wood smoke: a good indicator of cooking and perhaps smoke preservation. Bitumen traces help confirm its use in hafting tools. But the most interesting feature is the consistent identification of cooked carbohydrate residues, enzyme activity on which would have produced the sugars strongly implicated in the formation of substantial plaque deposits. The data suggest that nuts, grass seeds, and possibly even green vegetables were a major part of the Neanderthal diet, A fascinating outcome is the discovery of molecules of the compounds that confer bitterness on a number of herbs with known medicinal properties, such as yarrow and chamomile. That does not prove that Neanderthals were accomplished herbalists, for many primates seek out such plants when feeling ill and even domestic cats will be seen eating grass if they have digestive problems or worms. Yet practical knowledge of herbal remedies cannot be ruled out. This novel, hi-tech approach to life-style analysis will surely blossom for most fossilized hominin dentition bears plenty of plaque. We await with interest the first signs of regular use of tooth-cleaning with woody fibres.
Neanderthals and Aurignacians survived massive volcanic disaster
About 39 thousand years ago the famous volcanic field of the Campi Flegrei west of Naples underwent a massive explosive eruption that created a huge ash plume whose deposition blanketed most of southeastern and eastern Europe with the Campanian Ignimbrite. The ashfall and the probable disruption of climate and ecosystems over a number of years would have greatly stressed both Neanderthal and modern human (Aurignacian) populations of the area. There are a few sites in the Ukraine and Russia where tools occur below, within and above the ash deposit, but little to suggest the extent to which both populations were affected. However, tangible ash deposits are not the only evidence for volcanic events in human history: fine ash would have permeated everything during the eruption. A host of European geologists and archaeologists have sought microscopic evidence of the Campanian Ignimbrite in sediments within caves that were occupied at this time (Lowe, J. and 41 others 2012. Volcanic ash layers illuminate the resilience of Neanderthals and early modern humans to natural hazards. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences doi/10.1073/pnas.1204579109): ignimbrite events are signified in cave deposits by ash dominated by minute glassy shards, whose shape is distinctive. The study was able to show that although the effects of the 39 ka eruption must have been devastating for local humans, both groups pulled through. The fact that Neanderthals survived the eruption and attendant prolonged climatic cooling suggests indirectly that their eventual demise was probably not a result of ecological disaster and more likely to have reflected their incapacity to compete successfully with the Aurignacian and later fully-modern human cultures.
Who was the earliest human? Initially this accolade went to Homo habilis, first found by Louis Leakey at Olduvai Gorge, Tanzania in 2 Ma old sediments. Similar fossils turned up at Koobi Fora on the shores of Lake Turkana (formerly Lake Rudolr) in Kenya also thanks to the Leakey dynasty. Yet as more remains of that antiquity were found differences among them began to emerge, which some ascribed to different species and others to effects of sexual dimorphism among H. habilis. The majority view emerged of two distinct species H. habilis and ergaster but the possibility of a third cohabiting member of the early East African human family was clung to in the shape of the single-fossil ‘H. rudolfensis’ . There the issue stood for more than two decades. Then, in the manner of London Transport, fossils of three individual humans were unearthed at Koobi Fora by the determined Leakey family (Leakey, M.G. et al. 2012. New fossils from Koobi Fora in northern Kenya confirm taxonomic diversity in early Homo. Nature, v. 488, p. 201-204). They seem to have confirmed three separate cohabiting species of human in Kenya in the period between 1.8 and 2.0 Ma: habils, rudolfensis and erectus/ergaster. Now, this is quite odd as the threefold morphological distinction ought to reflect three lifestyles sufficiently different to support the species over several hundred thousand years. Hopefully, there are teeth and dental plaque…
Artist’s concept of NASA’s Mars Science Laboratory (Curiosity) near a canyon on Mars. (Credit: NASA-JPL via Wikipedia)
Why is ’Curiosity’ the latest Mars rover aimed to land at Gale Crater? It seems to have been filled with stratified sediments deposited in the crater over perhaps as long as two billion years after it formed by a meteorite impact. The sediments now occur as a relic of later aeolian erosion at the centre of the crater in the form of a large mound that Curiosity is designed to climb and sample. The big attraction is the detection of clays and sulfate minerals in the sediments using multispectral remote sensing. They clearly suggest the influence of water in the formation of the sediments, hence the suggestion that they are lake sediments. On that assumption, Gale Crater is hoped to be a fruitful site for seeking signs of former biological processes: given the technical circumstances of the mission it is deemed the best site there is on Mars for NASA’s Mars Science Laboratory.
Sulfates on Mars have excited geologists enormously, along with their companion clays, because they signify the influence of abundant acid water in the breakdown of Martian primary igneous rocks from which the sediments have undoubtedly been derived. Their formation is undoubtedly the geoscientific ‘sexy beast’ of the last four or five years. Given multi-channel remotely sensed data – and Mars labs are awash with them from several previous missions – sulfates are easy to detect from their distinctive reflectance spectra so there has been abundant pay-back for geologists involved with the Red Planet. But there is water and there is…water. It is hoped to be proved that the depositional medium was standing water or at least abundant subsurface aqueous fluids, which may have lingered for long enough for living organisms to have formed. But there is a possibility that sulfates can form, and so too clays, by superficial weathering processes beneath a humid atmosphere.
An oblique view of Gale crater showing the landing site and the mound of layered rocks that NASA’s Curiosity rover will investigate. The landing site is outlined in yellow. (Credit: NASA-JPL via Wikipedia)
Erwin Dehouck and team of French geochemists set out experimentally to recreate conceivable atmospheric and climatic conditions from Mars’s early history to mimic weathering processes (Dehouck, E. et al. 2012. Evaluating the role of sulfide-weathering in the formation of sulfates or carbonates on Mars. Geochimica et Cosmochimica Acta, v. 90, p. 47-63). The experiment involved liquid water and hydrogen peroxide (detected in Mars’s present atmosphere and probably produced photochemically from water vapour) in contact with a CO2 atmosphere. Martian surface conditions were simulated by evaporation of H2O and H2O2 to mix with dominant CO2, which allowed ‘dew’ to form on the experimental samples. The samples consisted of ground up olivine and pyroxene, important mineral constituents of basalt – feldspar was not used. – mixed with the iron sulfide pyrrhotite, commonly found in terrestrial basalts and meteorites judged to have come from Mars. Samples of each pure mineral and mixtures with the sulfide were left in the apparatus for four years and then analysed in detail.
Even in such a short exposure the silicate-sulfide mixtures reacted to produce sulfate minerals –hexahydrite (MgSO4_6H2O), gypsum (CaSO4_2H2O) and jarosite( KFe3 (OH)6(SO4)2), together with goethite (FeOOH) and hematite (Fe2O3). Without the presence of sulfides, the silicate minerals barely broke down under the simulated Martian conditions but did produce traces of magnesium carbonate. The sulfate bearing assemblages look very like those reported from many locations on Mars. The acid conditions produced by weathering of sulfides to yield sulfate ions are incompatible with preservation of carbonates, as the experiment indicates. However, there are reports of Martian sediments that do contain abundant carbonate minerals.
The researchers’ conclusions are interesting: “These results raise doubts on the need for a global acidic event to produce the sulfate-bearing assemblages, suggest that regional sequestration of sulfate deposits is due to regional differences in sulfide content of the bedrock, and pave the way for reevaluating the likelihood that early sediments preserved biosignatures from the earliest times”. Weathering by dew formation seems quite adequate to match existing observations.
Various lines of evidence, such as sedimentary deposits of glass spherules and shocked minerals or signs of unusual isotopic chemistry (see Ejecta from the Sudbury impact and Evidence builds for major impacts in Early Archaean in EPN April 2005 and August 2002) point to the predicted intensity of meteorite or comet bombardment of the early Earth, and evidence is growing for some events that had global effects. Yet no actual impact sites from the Archaean Eon have been found, until recently. That is not entirely unexpected because erosion during the last few billion years will have removed all trace of the characteristic surface craters. But perhaps there is cryptic evidence in Archaean terrains for the deeper influence of impacts: after all, the depth of penetration of large meteoritic ‘missiles’ would have been of a similar order to their diameter where shock structures in minerals would slowly anneal and impact-generated melts would crystallise slowly enough to masquerade as plutonic igneous rocks.
Close to the Arctic Circle in SW Greenland Archaean gneisses are associated with a roughly 200 km wide geomagnetic anomaly and regionally curvilinear features that suggest a series of concentric closed structures over a 100 km diameter area (Garde, A.A. et al. 2012. Searching for giant, ancient impact structures on Earth: The Mesoarchaean Maniitsoq structure, West Greenland. Earth and Planetary Science Letters, v. 337, p. 197-210). Adam Garde and colleagues from the Greenland Geological Survey, Cardiff University UK and Lund University Sweden focused on the central part of these anomalies where gneisses are extensively brecciated with signs of annealed shock-induced lamellae in quartz, feldspar melting and fluidization of highly comminuted mylonites. They ascribe this assemblage of features on a variety of scales to the effects of a major meteorite impact on 25 km deep continental crust. The metamorphic complex contains the famous Amitsoq Gneisses that once had the status of the world’s oldest rocks at around 3.8 Ga, but is dominated by migmatites formed around 3.1 Ga that are akin to the Nuuk Gneisses from further south.
The possible signs of a deeply penetrating impact are cut through by small ultramafic intrusions, zircons from which yield 207Pb/206Pb ages between 3.01 and 2.98 Ma, confirming the structures’ Mesoarchaean age. An interesting and unanswered question concerns the origin of these magmas together with marginally younger, voluminous granites. Were the ultramafic magmas generated by high degrees of partial melting of mantle as a result of the immense energy of impact? Having temperatures well above those of basaltic melts, could the ultramafic intrusions in turn have induced crustal melting within the depths of a large impact basin?
In sedimentary rocks below the base of the Cambrian there is not only a dearth of body fossils, but signs of creatures burrowing and stirring up the sediment are most uncommon. A burrower needs several criteria to be fulfilled: a supply of oxygen; sufficient food; a body able to penetrate and an ability to move back and forth, but forth would probably do fine, provided the animal could turn corners. The amount of oxygen in bottom waters would have influenced its availability beneath the seabed. Whatever the conditions, dead organic matter falls and is buried by sediment before it is oxidised away, even nowadays. There is little sign that there was any marked change between the oxygenation of the planet just before and after the start of the Cambrian Period, so the main control over burrowing is that of animal morphology.
Many modern burrowing animals are pretty flaccid but moving sediment aside and upwards demands some muscle power. Most important, the creature needs a means of navigation, albeit of a rudimentary kind, and since what goes in beneath the surface – food – must go out – excreta – there must be a front- and a back end. That ‘fore-and-aft’ symmetry is the essential feature of bilaterian animals. Only a limited range of animal taxa don’t have that built-in. Sponges are the most obvious example, having no discernible symmetry of any kind. Radially symmetrical animals such as jellyfish and coral polyps only have a top and a bottom. An absence of inbuilt horizontal directionality stops non-bilaterians from burrowing in any shape or form. But, so what?
The vast majority of animals have some kind of bilateral symmetry; even echinoderms have it from their 5-fold symmetry that is also the simplest kind of radiality. By the start of the Cambrian, not only had bilaterians split off from the less symmetrical but almost all the phyla living today, and several that became extinct in the last 542 Ma, have representatives in the Cambrian fossil record. The only logical conclusion is that emergence of bilaterians and their fundamental diversification took place in the Precambrian: they are absent from earlier strata only because they had no hard parts. Comparing the DNA of living representatives of the main bilaterian phyla and with that of non-bilaterians can help date the times of genetic and morphological separation, but only crudely. This ‘molecular clock’ approach points to some time between 900 and 650 Ma ago for the last common ancestor of bilaterians.
Uruguayan fossil burrows from late Neoproterozoic (Credit: Pecoits, E. et al. 2012)
Getting a handle on the minimum time for the split depends either on finding fossils or unequivocal signs of bilaterian activity. The oldest unequivocally bilaterian fossils occur in rocks about 550 Ma old, which doesn’t take us much further back than the base of the Cambrian. But there are trace fossils that are significantly more ancient (Pecoits, E. et al. 2012. Bilaterian burrows and grazing behaviour at >585 million years ago. Science, v. 336, p. 1693-1696). They are tiny burrows in fine-grained sediments from Uruguay, so tiny that there is a chance that they may be traces of grazing bacterial films on the seabed rather than beneath it. The decider is the mechanics of trace fossil formation. Surface tracks only a millimetre or so across would only penetrate the biofilm, so on lithification they would simply disappear. Burrows on the other hand penetrate the sediment itself to get at food items. Even if this was a biofilm, the track would be in sediment above the film, so compaction would preserve it. The Uruguayan exam-[les are exquisite horizontal burrows, and they push back the minimum age for the origin of the bilaterians to at least 40 Ma older than the start of the Cambrian. In fact 585 Ma is a minimum age for the sediments as it is the U-Pb age of zircons in a granite that intrudes and metamorphoses them.
An equally significant observation is that the burrows only appear towards the end of a glacial episode – probably the last of the Neoproterozoic ‘Snowball Earth’ events – as marked by tillites below the burrowed shales and occasional ‘dropstones’ in them. Could it be that the climatic and other stresses of a global glaciation triggered the fundamental division among the Animalia?
The Malapa valley South Africa, where Australopithecus sediba was found. (Credit: Lee R. Berger via Wikipedia)
The first stone tools and bones that had been cut by them, found in rocks dated at 2.5-2.6 Ma in the Bouri area of Ethiopia’s Afar Depression, have generally been taken as a sign that their invention was connected with more easily accessing meat for food. A corollary of this idea is that it was the introduction of meat into the hominin diet that helped ‘fuel’ the growth of their brains: meat-tools-brain interrelated in an evolutionary sense. There is a spatial link between such tools and fossils of Australopithecus, but direct attribution of the tools to these australopithecines has not been widely accepted. It is more generally accepted that a link to tools can be made with Homo habilis, but they lived, at the earliest, 200 to 300 ka later. The wear patterns on their teeth and association with animal bones bearing cut marks has been taken to indicate that at least part of their diet was meat.
Another approach to diet is to analyse the proportions of stable carbon isotopes (13C and 12C) in tooth enamel, which can discriminate between the ultimate plant source in their diet, i.e. between grasses that use the C4 photosynthetic pathway and the C3 version used by woody and herbaceous plants. The isotopic ‘signature’ of plants is also passed on to animals, depending on what vegetation they eat, and so up the food chain to predators and the scavengers that depend on their leavings. South African Au. africanus of around 2.5 Ma ago show a definite C4 preference as do local paranthropoids (‘robust’ australopithecine-like creatures) from around 1.8 Ma. The early humans H. habilis and H. ergaster also show the C4 isotopic proportions, which in both cases may be from a meaty diet or from a vegetarian component. The main point from these similar results, whatever the plant-meat proportions being consumed, is that these hominins were very different from chimpanzees in their eating habits, and probably as regards their habitats: savannah rather than woodlands respectively.
There are no reports of C-isotope research on Au. garhi teeth, but results from 2 Ma old Au. sediba found in South Africa have just been published (Henry, A.G and 8 others 2012. The diet of Australopithecus sediba, Nature, v. 487, p. 90-93) along with plant materials from dental plaque and tooth wear patterns. Au. sediba is notable for its very modern-looking hands and other ‘advanced’ features. Some believe it to have been closer to the direct line of human descent than a number of other hominin species, including the poor quality remains of H. habilis. So, did sediba eat meat? The forensic evidence suggests something unexpected. The C-isotope data points towards food dominated by C3 plants – less grasses and sedges, and more shrubbery. Tooth wear suggests bark was eaten, while plant remains from plaque indicate fruit leaves and wood. This is a feeding pattern more like that of chimpanzees than Homo species, Au. africanus and the paranthropoids that are roughly contemporary with Au. sediba. Ecological analysis of the sediments which buried the hominin specimens suggest a seasonal climate and savannah biome with abundant C4 plants that supported grazing herds, mixed with possibly some denser woodland along drainages. This is a pattern familiar from living savannah chimpanzee bands.
The hand and forearm of Australopithecus sediba (Credit: Peter Schmid, courtesy Lee R. Berger via Wikipedia)
So, despite being an ‘advanced’ hominin, by carrying clear signs of foods that were not consumed by meaty potential prey animals Au. sediba probably was not a meat eater. Yet species with strong C4 ‘signatures’ cannot be assigned to carnivory on C-isotope evidence alone. One has to decide from other data, such as tooth-wear and plaque, whether this or that hominin ate grasses, those that clearly did not becoming candidates for dominantly meat-eating. How to detect a tool-using species with a mixed diet, akin to more modern humans, is a tough nut to crack.
Colour-coded relief map of the Thatsis bulge on Mars, with Valles Marineris at left centre (Credit: Goddard Space Flight Center, NASA, via Wikipedia)
In the Solar System topographic features don’t come larger than Valles Marineris on Mars. At between 5 to 10 kilometres deep and extending along a fifth of the planet’s circumference, it makes the Grand Canyon and The Gorge of the Nile look puny.
It is difficult to imagine anything other than some kind of fault control over the almost straight, roughly east-west trend of Vales Marineris, but the scale suggests, again, an unmatched scale of tectonics. It has long been thought that the massive canyon resulted from extensional rifting that created a major weakness etched out by later erosion and/or collapse into huge subsurface voids in the crust. Yet there is little sign of commensurately large faults, through there are some. But the structure is an integral part of yet another superlative. It is on the eastern flank of the mighty Tharsis bulge on which several humongous volcanoes, including Mons Olympus, developed: perhaps there is a causal link between the two dominating features.
Jeffrey Andrews-Hanna of the Colorado School of Mines in the US has tried to model the bulge-chasm pair, coming to the conclusion that there is little sign of major extension. The finale of his study zeroes-in on the possibility of dominant subsidence producing the structure (Andrews-Hanna, J.C. 2012. The formation of Valles Marineris: 3. Trough formation through super-isostasy, stress, sedimentation, and subsidence. Journal of Geophysical Research, v. 117, E06002, doi:10.1029/2012JE004059).
In this model, the Tharsis bulge and its associated volcanic province rose so high that on the scale of the planet it must have created a large positive gravitational anomaly. This remains for the most part, but in the Valles Marineris region the crust is now either in isostatic balance or has large negative gravity anomalies, complicated by the fact that the very carving of the canyon system must have resulted in some uplift through unloading. For a while the whole bulge was supported in this gravitationally unstable state by the strength of the Martian lithosphere, and most of it is still in a state of disequilibrium.
Andrews-Hanna’s novel view is that a small amount of extension allowed residual magma to rise in linear zone along the eventual length of Valles Marineris as dykes. The magmas and their heating effect reduced the strength of the lithosphere, locally removing support for the huge load, which subsided. By creating greater slope on the surface of Tharsis the subsidence would have become a focus for both erosion and sedimentation, the increased sedimentary load adding to the subsidence to give the present stupendous depth of the canyons and chasms.
Simulated oblique view of the topography of Valles Marineris looking westwards (Credit: Goddard Space Flight Center, NASA, via Wikipedia)
But this isn’t the only model for the canyon system (Yin, A. Structural analysis of the Valles Marineris fault zone: Possible evidence for large-scale strike-slip faulting on Mars. Lithosphere, v. 4 doi:10.1130/L192.1). An Yin of the University of California used a combination of remote sensing data from Mars Reconnaissance Orbiter and Mars Odyssey to perform detailed lithological and structural mapping along Valles Marineris. What emerged were several fault zones up to 2000 km long. Instead of an expected extensional sense of movement they are strike-slip faults, with displacements of the order of 100 km in a left-lateral sense. Yin’s model is that the canyon system bean as a zone of transtensional deformation: very different from that of Andrews-Hanna. It also begs the question of the underlying tectonic processes, because strike-slip zone on Earth are usually associated with distributed stress from plate tectonics.
It is hard to resist curiosity when a phrase includes a superlative. Dickens knew this when he opened A Tale of Two Cities with the words, ‘It was the best of times, it was the worst of times…’. So impacted into post-Victorian English language are they that the Daily Mirror of 13 May 2012 used them to celebrate ‘The most scintillating finish in Premier League history’: referring of course to the footballing tales of the city of Manchester (UK, that is). So it was with some gaiety that I turned to a paper in the May 2012 issue of Geology (Løseth. H. et al. 2012. World’s largest extrusive body of sand? Geology, v. 40, p. 467-470). Now, that is a title to conjure with, and I would advise any academic author to add a superlative adjective of some kind to their next manuscript title, to ensure more than 5 readers and at least one citation to add to her/his CV. Conversely, I caution against seemingly ultra-high impact, exclamatory single-word titles such as ‘Coelocanth!’, Porphyroblast!’, ‘Ignimbrite!’ or ‘Sphenochasm!’: they summon untoward visions of geoscientists much given to ‘snorting and pawing the air in salivating lust and groveling need’, in the manner of Hungry Joe’s reaction to a pornographic cameo brooch (Heller, J. 1961. Catch 22: Simon & Schuster).
The sand body in question lies in the Pleistocene subsurface of the Norwegian sector of the North Sea above the Snorre oilfield, and came to light through a 3-D seismic survey with extraordinarily good resolution that allowed the reconstruction of its base and top structure contours (in two-way time) and thus its overall volume and shape. At 10 km3, were it to have formed yesterday to cover Manhattan the paper’s abstract suggests that it would have reached the 37th floor of the Empire State Building. More parochially, had it engulfed London’s old financial quarter centred on London Bridge (Post Codes EC1 to 4 and SE1) 30 St Mary Axe (‘The Gherkin’) and ‘The Shard’ would be buried in their entirety leaving one of capitalism’s iconic heartlands a curiously gnarled sandy plain.
Small mud volcano, Romania (Photo credit: Wikipedia)
That the sand is extrusive rather than being simply a sedimentary stratum is revealed by its extraordinary shape. Its thickest part is in a depression surrounded by mounds of the underlying unit – the former seabed – above which the body is absent. These mounds show marginal signs on the seismic sections of dykes that could have acted as feeders from stratiform sands deeper in the sequence, the dykes coinciding with the base of ‘ditches’ in the body’s upper surface. In turn, the ditches have flanking ridges as if the ditches and the dykes below were feeders for the sand extrusion. Such an extrusive sand body is currently forming at the accidentally triggered Lusi sand volcano in Indonesia where a single vent exudes about 50 thousand m3 each day; a rate that would take 550 years to produce the Snorre field body. Pleistocene stratigraphy surrounding the vast North Sea ‘boil’ suggests that it formed during a period of rapid sedimentation from the huge North Sea ice shelf supplied by the Scandinavian ice sheet.
Helge Løseth and colleagues from Statoil and the University of Rennes ran a series of dry sandbox experiments to mimic the process of sand injection. By pumping air through interbedded sand, glass ballotini and silica powder, to represent two types of non cohesive sands and cohesive mudrocks, they found that increasing the overall air pressure in the box eventually fluidized the ‘sands’ which blurted through the ‘clays’ to form ‘volcanoes’ with plumes of sand that enlarged the area of deposition at the surface. Cutting into the sediments after the experiments revealed a remarkably real-looking system of intrusive sand bodies (dykes, sills and laccoliths) as well as the extrusive mass of sand. Chances are that such bodies may form more commonly in marine sequences, given encouraging over-pressuring through sudden increases in normal sedimentation. If so, the very open grain structure of the vented sands might provide superb petroleum reservoir characteristics.
geological sequestration of carbon dioxide emissions from a coal-fired power plant. (Photo credit: LeJean Hardin and Jamie Payne Wikipedia)
Of all the ‘geoengineering’ approaches that may offer some relief from global warming pumping CO2 into deep sedimentary rocks, through carbon capture and storage (CCS) is one that most directly intervenes in the natural carbon cycle. In fact it adds an almost wholly anthropogenic route to the movement of carbon. It is difficult if not impossible for natural processes to ‘pump’ gases downwards except when they are dissolved in water and most often through the conversion of CO2 to solid carbonates or carbohydrates that are simply buried on the ocean floor. Artificially producing carbonate or organic matter on a sufficient scale to send meaningful amounts of anthropogenic carbon dioxide to long-term rock storage is pretty much beyond current technology, but gas sequestration seems feasible, if costly. The main issues concern making sure geological traps are ‘tight’ enough to prevent sufficient leakage to render the exercise of little use and to understand the geochemical effects of large amounts of buried gas that would inevitably move around to some extent.
The geochemistry is interesting as reactions of CO2 with rock and subsurface water are inevitable. The most obvious is that solution in water releases hydrogen ions to create weakly acidic fluids: on the one hand that might be a route for precipitation of carbonate and more secure carbon storage, through reaction with minerals (see http://earth-pages.co.uk/2012/04/10/possible-snags-and-boons-for-co2-disposal/), but another possibility is increasing solution of minerals that might eventually cause a trap to leak. A counterpart of pH change is the release of electrons, whose acceptance in chemical reactions creates reducing conditions. The most common minerals to be affected by reducing reactions are the iron oxides, hydroxides and sulfates that often coat sand-sized grains in sedimentary rocks, or occur as accessory minerals in igneous and metamorphic rocks. Iron in such minerals is in the Fe-3 valence state (ferric iron from which an electron has been lost through oxidation) which makes them among the least soluble common materials, provided conditions remain oxidising. Flooding sedimentary rocks with CO2 inevitably produces a commensurate flow of electrons that readily interact with Fe-3. The oxidised product Fe-2 (ferrousiron) is soluble in water, and so reduction breaks down iron-rich grain coatings. Much the same happens with less abundant manganese oxides and hydroxides. One important concern is that iron hydroxide (FeO.OH or goethite) has a molecular structure so open that it becomes a kind of geochemical sponge. Goethite may lock up a large range of otherwise soluble ions, including those of arsenic and some toxic metals. Should goethite be dissolved by reduction that toxic load moves into solution and can migrate.
Bleached zone with carbonate-oxide core in Jurassic Entrada Sandstone, Green River, Utah. (Image: Max Wigley, University of Cambridge)
Except where deep, carbonated groundwater leaks to the surface in springs – the famous Perrier brand of mineral water is an example – it is difficult to judge what is happing to gases and fluids at depth. But their long-past activity can leave signatures in sedimentary rocks exhumed to the surface. Most continental sandstones, formed either through river or wind action, are strongly coloured by iron minerals simply because of strongly oxidising conditions at the Earth’s surface for the past two billion years or more. Should reducing fluids move through the, the iron is dissolved and leached away to leave streaks and patches of bleached sandstone in otherwise red rocks. In a few cases an altogether more pervasive bleaching of hundreds of metres of rock marks the site of massive fluid-leakage zones. Terrestrial Mesozoic sedimentary sequences in the Green River area of Utah, USA exhibit spectacular examples, easily amenable to field and lab study (Wigley, M. et al. 2012. Fluid-mineral reactions and trace metal mobilization in an exhumed natural CO2 reservoir, Green River, Utah. Geology, v. 40, p. 555-558). There the bleaching rises up through the otherwise brown and yellow sandstones, cutting across the bedding. In the bleached zone, secondary calcite fills pore spaces. At the contact with unbleached sandstone there are layers of carbonate and metal oxides, enriched in cobalt, copper, zinc, nickel, lead, tin, molybdenum and chromium: not ores but clear signs confirming the general model of reductive dissolution of iron minerals and movement of metal-rich fluid. Carbon isotopes from the junction are richer in 13C than could be explained by the gas phase having been methane, and confirm naturally CO2 – rich fluids.
So, Green River provides a natural analogue for a carbon capture and storage system, albeit one that leaked so profusely it would be a latter day disaster zone. In that sense the site will help in deciding where not to construct CCS facilities.
If Ignatius Loyola been a child of the late 20th century, it is quite likely that he would have chosen palaeoanthropology as a career rather than theology, seeing as he was so predisposed to casuistry. When I innocently asked a vertebrate palaeontologist who specialized in the Pliocene and Pleistocene Epochs why it was that students of hominins were so prone to controversy, his answer was revealing: ‘They don’t have many fossils’. One place where there are lots of hominin fossils, in fact the largest known sample of them, is the Atapuerca cavern in northern Spain. At the deepest level of the cave system there is a veritable charnel house containing the remains of at least 28 individuals. Because there are bones from all parts of the human anatomy, some have suggested that the cache is one of deliberate burial, but there is a disturbing dearth of the smaller bones of feet and hands. Consequently, other voices claim that the bodies were washed in by floods, losing extremities en route – though that view would be easily tested using other signs of trauma on large bones. Yet that is a minor quibble compared with one that is developing around the age of the boneyard and the taxonomy of the cadavers in it (http://www.guardian.co.uk/science/2012/jun/10/fossil-dating-row-sima-huesos-spain).
Head of Homo heidelbergensis , Senckenberg Museum, Frankfurt am Main, Germany (Photo credit: Wikipedia)
The Spanish team responsible for the evolutionary wealth in the entire Atapuerca cave complex, which ranges from almost a million years ago to recent times, assigned the Sima de los Huesos (Pit of Bones) fossils to Homo heidelbergensis. In fact about 90% of all H. heidelbergensis remains are from Atapuerca, so any anatomical dispute over these specimens is a threat to the status of the species itself. One leading authority who does dispute this assignment is Chris Stringer of the UK Natural History Museum, who claims that many of the heads have teeth and jaws with shapes that fall within the range of Neanderthals – supposedly descended from H. heidelbergensis. The age of the deposit is the focus of debate. Were it to be around 400 ka or younger, as early attempts at dating suggested, then the fossils might well be those of Neanderthals for that is early in the range of that species as determined by ‘molecular-clock’ studies of Neanderthal DNA. However, the material most likely to yield a good radiometric age is carbonate speleothem, the stuff of stalactites and stalagmites though more commonly a matrix that binds together old cave detritus. The fossils are undoubtedly far older than the maximum age that can be achieved using the well known radiocarbon method (<60 ka), but speleothem lends itself to a precise dating technique based on the decay series of uranium isotopes. In the case of Sima de los Huesos, the fossils lie in a clay breccia overlain by a layer of speleothem, which has yielded a U-series age of around 600 Ma (Bischoff, J.L. et al. 2007. High-resolution U-series dates from the Sima de los Huesos hominids yields 600 kyrs: implications for the evolution of the early Neanderthal lineage. Journal of Archaeological Science, v. 34, p. 763-770).
The ‘bone breccia’ in Sima de los Huesos, Atapuerca caverns Spain (from Bischoff, J.L. et al. 2007)Neanderthal head from Israel (Wikipedia)
Stringer argues that the hominins’ anatomy is so like that of Neanderthals that, somehow, the radiometric age must be wrong – i.e. “too old” – perhaps because the speleothem is in fact from a 600 ka block that fell onto the fossils after they had accumulated. His view is that they are Neanderthals descended from H. heidelbergensis living in the earlier Pleistocene and which was the common ancestor of both Neanderthals and anatomically modern humans. Bischoff et al. consider the Sima de los Huesos hominids to be ‘at the very beginnings of the Neanderthal evolutionary lineage’, which seems to me to be a reasonable deduction from both stratigraphic and anatomical data. To demand that they must be at least 200 ka younger, apparently on the basis of an estimate of Neanderthal origination from DNA data seems less reasonable. The appearance of Stringer’s detailed arguments in Evolutionary Anthropology (v. 21(3)) is eagerly awaited, following the Observer’s take on his position.
Another area in which controversy is brewing – and has been for decades – is that of the origin of human artistic culture. One of the gem-boxes of early art is the Geissenclösterle (monastery of the goats) cavern in southern Germany, in which have been found various figurines made of bird bone and ivory, including a celebrated lion-man theriomorph, highly exaggerated female figures, flutes and beads. They belong to the Aurignacian culture brought by the earliest anatomically modern Europeans who diffused westwards along the Danube from the near-East as early as 45 ka ago. The layer containing the artifacts was originally dated at about 35 ka, but new radiocarbon techniques have been tried on bone with cut marks, among other materials (Higham, T. et al. 2012. Testing models for the beginnings of the Aurignacian and the advent of art and music: the radiocarbon chronology of Geissenclösterle. Journal of Human Evolution, v. 62, p. 664-676 doi:10.1016/j.jhevol.2012.03.003) and found to yield a much older age of 42.5 ka, close to the oldest European date for modern human occupation 43-45 ka for the stratigraphically older Uluzzian tool industry.
Lion-man sculpture from Geissenclösterle ( J. Duckek Wikipedia)
The date is also considerably earlier than the demise of the Neanderthals and raises the issue of modern-Neanderthal contacts. Indeed the layer below that assigned to Aurignacian contains tools made by Neanderthals, whose age is statistically indistinguishable from the later occupation level. The Chatelperronian tool industry, which closely resembles the Aurignacian but is ascribed to Neanderthals, is supposed to be around 40 ka old, but the advanced radiocarbon technique that yielded much older ages for Geissenclösterle apparently has not yet been deployed on this culture. On the basis of limited age data, it does seem likely that Neanderthals adopted the new technology after they encountered it. The Aurignacian artistic products are vastly more advanced than any found at older sites in Africa.
Aurignacian female figurine from near Geissenclösterle..(Silosarg: Wikipedia)
In the context of the debate about modern human and Neanderthal cognitive abilities, which suggests the former were altogether smarter and more creative, there is an unvoiced or at least unheeded argument. Whether or not Neanderthals originated artifacts that were ‘modern’ for their time or copied them is not as important as the fact that this group, previously isolated for up to 400 millennia, were able to appreciate and learn these novelties. That is much the same as people living today, in Australia for instance, a couple of generations from hunter-gatherer origins, working on production lines, piloting aircraft, social networking and creating world-class abstract art. What did they, and the Aurignacians, produce from other materials that have not survived decay; ditto for any pre-45 ka humans? Another point rarely raised, but surely valid, is that previous people may not have felt any need to produce art in forms that survive for tens or hundreds of millennia. Forty-odd thousand years ago, climate was undergoing rapid ups and downs of temperature and humidity in the run-up to the last glacial maximum. Conditions at mid-latitudes would have been much more changeable than those of the tropics. Both anatomically modern humans and Neanderthals faced the same attendant ecological changes, and as co-occupants of southern Europe they faced each other as rivals for available resources. Finally, Aurignacians hailed from the east, also Neanderthal territory and severely affected by rapid climate change from around 80 ka; so did they bring with them a culture formed elsewhere? Europe concentrates palaeoanthropologists and their endeavours, while much of the planet to which humans diffused from Africa – and Africa itself – are grossly under-investigated by comparison: ideas will undoubtedly change drastically as these areas get the attention they deserve.
Controversy is not a problem. Indeed, with imperfect, inadequate or ambiguous data it is unavoidable, and heated disputes spur the search for more information that can help resolve ideas or change them. What cannot be sidestepped is the potential for havoc that may arise with new and improved methods. In both cases outlined here radiometric dates have thrown the proverbial spanner into the works. The method used in the Geissenclösterle cavern was designed to remove younger contaminating material from samples for radiocarbon dating and inevitably tends to push 14C dates further back in time. By removing a source of inaccuracy it highlights the inadequacies of dates obtained by earlier approaches on which a great deal of current archaeological thinking relies. Just how much younger contamination is present in a sample only emerges after the improved dating: it may be absent but an be substantial. So, until materials dated by earlier radiocarbon methods are re-run using the new approach neither their absolute ages nor their relative sequence in time can be considered reliable.
Art on the walls of Altamira Cave, northern Spoain, including both older abstract works and younger figurative depictions of prey animals (Photo credit: Wikipedia)
Results from just such an advance in radiometric dating of cave deposits in northern Spain will really cause a stir, when they sink in (Pike, A.W.G. and 10 others 2012. U-series dating of Paleolithic art in 11 caves in Spain. Science, v. 336, p. 1409-1413). The U-series method used at the University of Bristol by the joint British-Spanish collaborators dates calcite deposits on painted cave walls, including those at the famous Altamira site. This ‘flowstone’ may underlie artwork or may have grown over it after its completion, giving maximum or minimum ages for the painting, respectively. If a work has flowstone underneath and as a coating, dating potentially ‘brackets’ a possible age range. The superb figurative depictions of various prey animals, such as bison in Altamira cave, turn out to have been painted at around 18 ka, during the last glacial maximum. However a lot of the art there is abstract, such as hands picked out by red pigment presumably sprayed onto the wall from the artist’s mouth, various stippled discs and dots. Many of the abstracts are beneath flowstone that is around twice as old as the more familiar objects and range in age from 34 to 41 ka, thereby being close in time with the Geissenclösterle materials. Like them, their ages may coincide with the arrival of the earliest anatomically modern Europeans, but they are also towards the end of the period when Neanderthals were still present in much of Europe, including northern Spain. It cannot be ruled out therefore that the earliest paintings were Neanderthal symbolic art.
Related articles
The 3 May 2012 issue of Nature contained a broad review of human migration (Peopling the Planet p. 23-35) including a summary of unpublished precision dating (Callaway, E. Date with history. p. 27-29)
Balter, M. 2012. New light on revolutions that weren’t. Science, v. 336. p. 530-531
The Iapetus Ocean separating the paleocontinents of Baltica, Laurentia and Avalonia about 460 million years ago. (Rob Blakey http://jan.ucc.nau.edu/~rcb7/, Wikipedia)
The first sign that there was something odd about the Lower Palaeozoic in NW Europe and North America stemmed from gross mismatches between fossil assemblages only a few tens of kilometers apart across the regional strike of sedimentary rocks older than the Upper Silurian. It didn’t show up in the Devonian and Carboniferous, and nothing like it reappeared until well into the Jurassic. Until the 1960s the separation of these faunal provinces was ascribed to something akin to the Wallace Line that currently separates the flora and fauna of Oceania, Australia and the eastern islands of Indonesia from those of western Indonesia and Asia: a barrier to migration presented by the deep-water but narrow channel between Bali and Lombok in the Indonesian archipelago. The ancient biological boundary roughly coincides with the long-described Caledonian and Acadian Orogens of NW Europe and eastern North America respectively. With the discovery of plate tectonics another explanation arose: that formerly the opposite sides of the once contiguous orogens had been separated by thousands of kilometers across a former ocean. This was named in 1966 by John Tuzo Wilson after Iapetus , one of the mythical Greek titans who fathered Atlas – the eponym of the Atlantic Ocean. So, in the tectonic canon, the Caledonian-Acadian mountain belt marks the closure through subduction of its former oceanic lithosphere which brought the distinct faunal provinces together across a line known as the Iapetus Suture. Many lines of evidence time-stamp this continental collision to the end of the Silurian Period.
The Iapetus Suture, marked by the Niarbyl Fault on the Isle of Man. One of few places one can believably straddle two ancient continents. (G.J Kingsley at Wikipedia)
When the Iapetus Ocean began to open is not so easy to pin-point, save that it predated the Cambrian Period. The most likely possibility is that it marked the line of separation between fragments of the 1 billion-year old Rodinia supercontinent, which started to break up in the early Neoproterozoic. That was a protracted event, palaeomagnetic, radiometric and stratigraphic data loosely constraining extension between the former two sides of Iapetus to between 620 and 570 Ma. Around Quebec City, Canada are a number of large faults in the St Lawrence rift system that bound a zone of deep water sediments and volcanic rocks that yielded this broad age range. Yet the faults are associated with glassy rocks formed by frictional melting during brittle fracturing. These pseudotachylites can be dated, and have now helped resolve the ‘fuzziness’ of Iapetus’s formation (O’Brien, T.M. & van der Pluijm, B.A. 2012. Timing of Iapetus Ocean rifting from Ar geochronology of pseudotachylites in the St Lawrence rift system of southern Quebec. Geology, v. 40, p. 443-446). The two co-workers from the University of Michigan show that the rifting occurred between 613 and 614 Ma, coinciding with a brief period of mafic dyke emplacement in Newfoundland and Labrador. Since the Iapetus Suture occurs not far away from the St Lawrence rift system in eastern Canada the area has now become the best constrained example of what soon became known in the early days of plate tectonics as a Wilson Cycle, representing rift, drift and collision. John Tuzo Wilson (1908-1993), a Canadian descended from French and Scottish settlers, and a pioneer of the modern phase of geology, would be pleased it had finally homed in on terrain he knew well.
When and how humans acquired fire on demand and began to cook has long engaged story tellers and historians. Entertaining tales are those of the titan Prometheus, who stole fire from Zeus and then had his liver eaten by an eagle (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Prometheus ), and of Bo-bo, who accidentally discovered the barbecue approach to the meat of pigs (http://www.amazingribs.com/BBQ_articles/dissertation_on_roast_pork.html). Despite the secretive pleasures of some French and Ethiopian gourmets, raw flesh is not widely appreciated, although a rare steak comes pretty close. There is nothing wrong with it apart from its usually being tough and prone to deliver spectacular evacuations. Cooking unfolds the proteins in meat making them easier to digest and therefore portions of cooked meat deliver higher nutrition than they would direct from the carcase. Likewise, cooking some vegetables, especially various tubers, breaks down their chemistry to more easily digested and more palatable materials: think ‘potato’ in this context. In fact many potentially nutritious tubers are positively toxic if not processed and cooked, classic examples being cassava and wild yams.
While some anthropologists consider a change in hominin habits to eating meat per se, probably originally as carrion, as the necessary step to a leap in nutrition from which an enlarged brain developed, others favour the harnessing of fire and the invention of cooking that released greater proportions of proteins and carbohydrates from available foodstuffs. Since hominins evolved in distinctly seasonal savannas and open woodland, the shortage of game and directly edible above-ground plant parts in the dry season suggests indirectly that our early ancestors had two possible survival paths open to them: powerful jaws and complex digestive tracts to survive on woody stems or digging up tubers. Respectively, the anatomy and tooth-wear patterns of paranthropoids and early Homo to some extent support such a dichotomy that arose from the australopithecines after about 2 Ma ago. Both succeeded and cohabited roughly the same ranges in eastern Africa for as long as a million years.
So pinning down the origin of controlled use of fire is a major goal of Pleistocene archaeology to settle the issue of nutrition and brain growth. Also, it would help explain how hominins were able to diffuse far beyond their home ranges to northern latitudes sufficiently high to place fire as an essential source of warmth at night and in winters. Yet, evidence for habitual use of fire is younger than 400 thousand years among H. heidelbergensis, H. neanderthalensis and H. sapiens, literally leaving the wide roaming H. erectus to shiver as far as scientific proof of hearth and home is concerned. There have been claims of early charring, burnt bones and ashes but until recently such evidence has been ambiguous, largely because fire can start easily and naturally in tinder-rich conditions. There are now, however, advanced microscopic, chemical and physical techniques for estimating temperatures to which bones have been subjected and detecting changes in materials caused by fire, which can be applied to minute samples from sites once occupied by earlier people. One test site for the methods has been the Wonderwerk Cave in South Africa that is known from Acheulean tools and cut bone to have been occupied as long ago as 1.1 Ma. They gave a positive result for the use of fire by the earliest cave occupants (Berna, F, et al. 2012. Microstratigraphic evidence of in situ fire in the Acheulean strata of Wonderwerk Cave, Northern Cape province, South Africa. Proceedings of the National Academy of Science USA, www.pnas.org/cgi/doi/10.1073/pnas.1117620109 – open access). The same methods had previously been used to establish controlled human use of fire around 400 ka in once occupied caves in Israel, but at Wonderwerk almost triple the age of earliest known use. But they have refuted similar claims from the famous Zhoukoudian site of ‘Peking Man’ (Asian H. erectus) (http://www.unesco.org/ext/field/beijing/whc/pkm-site.htm).
A useful adage is that ‘the absence of evidence is not evidence of absence’, and it is early days for the routine archaological use of micromorphology, Fourier transform infrared (FTIR) spectroscopy in the search for human embers. In drylands naturally started fires, either as a result of lightning or spontaneous combustion, are so common that hominins would have been well aware of them, their dangers and perhaps their advantages as regards a free barbecue. Possibly Bo-bo’s salivating at the aroma of roast pig from the wreckage of his father house that he had razed to the ground though sheer stupidity would have struck some early hominins as a useful connection between a lucky feast and the still glowing embers of a bush fire. With care, embers can survive for long enough to be carried and used to start controlled fire; a fact not lost on many surviving fully human foragers, and also kids on a South Yorkshire council estate eager for the delights of roasting some ‘borrowed’ potatoes.
Drinking water for many rural Africans often comes from open holes dug in the sand of dry riverbeds, and it is invariably contaminated. (Bob Metcalf on Wikipedia)
Sub-surface water supplies have rarely, if ever, figured in Earth Pages except in passing or in relation to the on-going crisis of arsenic pollution in drinking-water supplies. That is largely because of the paucity of groundwater publications that have a general interest. So it was welcome news to learn that hydrogeologists of the British Geological Survey and University College London have produced a continent-wide review of groundwater prospects for Africa, probably in most need of good news about water supplies (MacDonald, A.M. et al. 2012. Quantitative maps of groundwater in Africa. Environmental Research Letters, v. 7 doi:10.1088/1748-9326/7/2/024009. They used existing hydrogeological maps, publications and other publically available data to estimate total groundwater storage in a variety of aquifer types and the yield potentials of boreholes. Details can be seen at http://www.bgs.ac.uk/research/groundwater/international/africanGroundwater/maps.html
Dominated by the vast sedimentary aquifers of Libya, Algeria, Egypt and Sudan, such as the Nubian Sandstone, around 0.66 million km3 may lie below the continental surface: more than 100 times the annually renewable freshwater resources, including the flows in three of the world’s largest rivers, the Nile, Congo and Niger. Though only a fraction of this subsurface potential may be available for extraction through wells, the arithmetic, or rather the statistics, suggest that small diameter boreholes and simple handpumps, as well as traditional wells, can sustainably satisfy the drinking water needs of the bulk of Africa’s rural populations with yields of individual wells between 0.1 to 1 l s-1. However, groundwater use in irrigation and for large urban supplies demands well productivities an order of magnitude higher from thick sedimentary sequences, which rarely coincide in Africa with areas suitable for large-scale agriculture or existing cities and large towns. Both the humid tropical lowlands with thick unconsolidated sediments and the deep sedimentary rock aquifers beneath the Sahara and other arid areas match great groundwater potential with either little need for groundwater or virtually no potential for agricultural development and very few people. Moreover, the truly vast reserves of North Africa that are an order of magnitude or more greater than in any other countries are at such depths and so remote that development needs commensurately huge investment, in the manner of oil-rich Libya’s Great Man Made River Project projected at more than US$25 billion investment. To say that reserves, convenience and yields are inequitably distributed in Africa would understate the hydrogeological difficulties of the continent.
Average well productivity predicted by MacDonald et al from Africa’s regional geology
Much of Africa has crystalline basement at the surface that has useful yields (>0.1 l s-1) only when deeply weathered, and even then rarely yields better than 1 l s–1. An exception to this general rule is where basement has been shattered by large faults and fractures. Sedimentary cover is generally thin across the continent and with highly variable yield potential. The other issue is that of sustainability, for if extraction rates exceed those of recharge then groundwater effectively becomes a non-renewable resource. About half of the African surface, mainly in its western equatorial region, has sufficient rainfall and infiltration potential to outpace universally high evapotranspiration to give recharge rates of more than 2.5 cm of annual rainfall. For all the areas repeatedly hit by drought and famine, average recharge through the surface that escapes being literally blown away on the wind is less than half a centimetre.
To have synopses of all the important issues surrounding African groundwater – the best choice for safe domestic supplies in hot, poor areas – would seem to be very useful to those engaged in development and relief strategies; i.e. to governments, the UN ‘family’ and World Bank. But there are important caveats. An obvious one is the antiquity of many of the surveys drawn on by MacDonald et al. Some 23 out of 33 were published more than 20 years ago using data that may be a great deal older: such has been the snail-like pace of publication by all geological surveys, including BGS. That is compounded by the small scale of the maps (mainly smaller than 1:1 million) and the extremely sparse geophysical data concerning subsurface geology across most of Africa. ‘Quantitative’ is not the adjective to use here, for unlike in most of the developed world, groundwater reserves and locations in Africa have not been measured, but estimated from pretty meagre data. In fact to be brutally realistic, most of the source maps are based on educated guesswork by a few hard-pressed geoscientists once personally responsible for areas that would cripple most of their colleagues working in say Europe or North America.
If there is a truism about water exploration in Africa, outside the well-watered parts, it is this: sink a well at random, and it will probably be dry. The stats may well be encouraging, as MacDonald et al. clearly believe, but finding useful groundwater supplies relies on a great deal more. Outside cities, people survive as regards groundwater often as a result of traditional means of water exploration and well digging: they or at least some locals are experts at locating shallow sources. Yet to improve their access to decent water in the face of both rising populations and climate change demands sophisticated exploration techniques based on geological knowledge. Most important is to ensure supplies to existing communities, whose locations do not necessarily match deeper groundwater availability, bearing in mind that a universal problem for most African villagers is the sheer distance to wells with safe water. Rigs used to drill tube wells are expensive to hire, so the likelihood of success needs to be maximised. In the absence of large-scale (1:50 000) geological maps – rarities throughout Africa – only skilled hydrogeological interpretation of aerial or satellite images followed-up by geophysical ground traverses offer that vital confidence.
Geologically useful ASTER image of the Danakil Block in Eritrea/Ethiopia, showing Mesozoic and Recent sedimentary aquifers and crystalline basement (Steve Drury)
In fact, thanks to the joint US-Japan ASTER system carried in sun-synchronous orbit, geologically-oriented image data are available for the whole continent. Interpretation requires some skills but few if any beyond learning in a practical, field setting. Indeed, the African surface in its arid to semi-arid parts, most at risk of drought and famine, lends itself to rapid hydrogeological reconnaissance mapping using ASTER data. Given on-line training in image interpretation, a ‘crowd-source’ approach coordinating many interpreters could complete a truly life-giving and easily available map base for local people to focus their own well-construction programmes.
Global paleogeographic reconstruction of the Earth in the early Cambrian period 540 million years ago. (credit:Ron Blakey, Northern Arizona University)
Palaeontologists generally agree on one broad aspect of animal evolution: the central role of predation versus defence in animal diversification to occupy different ecological niches. Indeed that co-relation has to an extent been responsible for the diversification of potentially habitable niches themselves. Armour and arms form a dialectic within the animal world, but one that only rose to dominate when hard materials became an integral part of animal morphology, allowing some to bite, gnaw or rasp and others to develop shelly or horny skeletons. The Kingdom Animalia within the domain of the eukaryotes – organisms based on cells that bear a nucleus – is united by one life style, that of feeding directly or indirectly on other living things. They are heterotrophs unable to generate energy and tissue through the fundamental harnessing of chemistry and physics to use the inorganic world directly, as do autotrophs. One of the earliest discoveries about the history of animals was that fossils in the widely accepted meaning of the word appeared suddenly in the geological record, earlier rocks containing virtually no tangible signs of life: fossils explode in numbers from the start of the Cambrian Period at 542 Ma. Subsequently, geologists did discover imprints of clearly quite complicated organisms in rocks a few tens of million years older than the start of the Cambrian. But these were flaccid, bag like creatures that recent research has shown to rely on filtering microorganisms from water or directly absorbing organic matter through their skin.
An animal from the late Precambrian(Photo credit: Wikipedia)
Another feature of sediments of the oldest Cambrian is that in many parts of the world they rest with or=profound unconformity on deformed older rocks of Precambrian age. Throughout Britain the lowest Cambrian rocks are almost pure quartz sandstones that rest upon older more complex rocks ranging from only a few tens of million years older than 542 Ma to some of the oldest rocks in Europe, the Lewisian complex dating back 3 billion years. Many of the hills of North West Scotland have a gleaming white cap of Lower Cambrian quartzite above what has been termed the Great Unconformity where it occurs in Arizona’s Grand Canyon. Sedimentary sequences that continuously record the Precambrian to Cambrian transition and the biological explosion at the juncture are rare. But they show two curious features in sediments that immediately predate those bearing recognisable fossils: a complete lack of evidence for burrowing and millimetre-scale shell-like bodies made of calcium phosphate and carbonate, which are thought to have adorned the skins of otherwise unprotected animals.
Creatures from the Cambrian Period (credit: Wikipedia)
Calcium, while a very common element is one of the most dangerous to life. Traces are essential for the signalling that goes on in cell metabolism, and too little snuffs out those vital processes. Yet too much – still a very low concentration in cell cytoplasm – results in the growth of minute mineral crystals within cells, also spelling cell death. This results from the limited solubility of calcium in water, compared with those of other common metals. At an early stage in evolution cells developed means of restricting the admission of calcium ions and efficient means of expelling excess amounts of calcium. The ubiquitous occurrence of Ca-rich marine limestones throughout the geological record bears witness to two things: the abundance of calcium ions in seawater; a closer look reveals that a great many limestones, going back some 3.5 billion years show traces of biomineralisation that helped form the limey sediments. In the second case, the calcium carbonate in most Precambrian limestones was secreted by photosynthetic blue-green bacteria in minutely thing layers, probably in the form of a slimy film excreted to avoid calcium toxicity. Palaeontologists have long suspected that the earliest skeletal materials formed by animals evolved from the need to excrete biomineralised films by turning a metabolic necessity into functional and integral parts of their body plans: arms and armour. Yet limestones are not rare signs of the presence of a dissolved calcium threat, so why the sudden adoption of waste products in this way?
A fairly old hypothesis is that calcium in seawater must have risen above a threshold that posed toxic threat to all living things and excretion had to increase to maintain the balance, perhaps matched with increasing sizes of animals in the late Precambrian. Only recently has support been found for this suggested evolutionary trigger, initially from analysis of brines trapped in crystalline materials within sediments, such as salt (NaCl). But the very presence of such halite in a sediment is a universally accepted sign of evaporation increasing ionic concentrations in isolated seawater lagoons, whereas a general increase in marine calcium would be needed to present sufficient chemical stress that the whole of animal evolution would require a step-change for survival. It turns out that support for the hypothesis stems from two isotopic systems most usually associated with dating the formation and weathering of continental crust: those of strontium and neodymium. The global record of ratios of 87Sr/86Sr and 143Nd/144Nd show unusually large changes in the run-up to the Cambrian Period, the first rising to the highest level recorded in geological history and the second reaching a historic nadir during the Cambrian. This anti-correlation signifies the greatest chemical weathering of older continental crust in the history of the Earth (Peters, S. & Gaines, R.R. 2012. Formation of the ‘Great Unconformity’ as a trigger for the Cambrian explosion. Nature, v. 484, p. 363-366). Not only would this have poured dissolved ions, including those of calcium, into the oceans and raised their concentrations in seawater, but vast areas of the continents would have been eroded to form huge coastal plains, ripe for marine inundation. The last is exactly what the near-universal unconformity at the base of the Cambrian signifies. Presaging this long drawn-out grinding of continents to their gums had been a protracted bout of continental assembly to form the Rodinia supercontinent around 1000 Ma though collision and mountain building. Then Rodinia broke apart, its fragments being driven by plate tectonics to reassemble, along with vast chains of new crust formed in volcanic island arcs, by yet more orogenesis: tectonically high-energy times matched by the processes of denudation on land.
A nice example of planetary interconnectedness on the largest scale with the greatest conceivable consequences, for we vertebrates anyhow. This comes as a great comfort to me in the twilight of my career, since in 1999 I stuck out my neck with a similar concept in Stepping Stones only to meet a suitably stony silence.
Artist's impression of a giant Australian wombat (Diprotodon) (credit: Wikipedia)
In North America, between 13 and 11.5 ka, around 30 species of large herbivorous mammals became extinct. Much the same occurred in Australia around 45 ka. Both cases roughly coincided with the entry of anatomically modern humans, where neither they nor earlier hominids had lived earlier. Such extinctions are not apparent in the Pleistocene records of Africa or Eurasia. An obvious implication is that initial human colonisation and a collapse of local megafaunas are somehow connected, perhaps even that highly efficient early hunting bands slaughtered and ate their way through both continents. But other possibilities can not be ruled out, including coincidences between colonisation and climate or ecosystem change. As many as thirteen different hypotheses await resolution, one that inevitably makes headline news repeatedly: that both the early Clovis culture and North American megafaunas met their end around the same time as the start of the Younger Dryas millennial cold snap because a meteorite exploded above North America (http://earth-pages.co.uk/2009/03/01/comet-slew-large-mammals-of-the-americas/). One problem in assessing the various ideas is accurately dating the actual extinctions, partly because terrestrial environments rarely undergo the continual sedimentation that builds up easily interpreted stratigraphic sequences. Another is that it is not easy to prove, say, that all giant kangaroos died in a short period of time because of the poor record of preservation of skeletons on land. A cautionary take concerns the demise of the woolly mammoth that roamed the frigid deserts of northern Eurasia and definitely was hunted by both modern humans and Neanderthals. It was eventually discovered that herds still survived on Wrangell Island until the second millennium BC. There is a need for a proxy that charts indirectly the fate of megafaunas plus accurate estimates of the timing of human colonisation. In North America there is a candidate for the first criterion: traces of a fungus (Sporormiella – see Fungal clue to fate of North American megafauna in EPN of January 2010) that exclusively lives in the dung of large herbivores. Fungal spores get everywhere, being wind-dispersed, and in NE US lake cores they fell abruptly at about 13.7 ka. Sporormiella needs to pass through the gut of herbivores to complete its life cycle.
Aboriginal Rock Art, Kakadu National Park, Australia (Photo credit: Wikipedia)
The same genus of fungus breaks down dung in Australia. Measuring spore content in sediment on the floor of a Queensland lake shows the same abrupt decline in abundance at between 43 to 39 ka before present (Rule, S. et al. 2012. The aftermath of a megafaunal extinction: ecosystem transformation in Pleistocene Australia. Science, v. 335, p. 1483-1486). Moreover, the fungal collapse is accompanied by a marked increase in fine-grained charcoal – a sign of widespread fires – and is followed by a steady increase in pollen of scrub vegetation at the expense of that of tropical rain forest trees. The shifts do not correlate with any Southern Hemisphere climatic proxy for cooling and drying that might have caused ecosystem collapse. That still does not mark out newly arrived humans as the culprits, as the early archaeological record of Australia, as in North America, is sparse and only estimated to have started at around 45 ka. Yet this is quite strong circumstantial evidence. The 20 or more animals – marsupials, birds and reptiles – with a mass more than 40 kg that formerly inhabited the continent would probably have been ‘naive’ as regards newly arrived, organised, well-armed and clever new predators, as would those of North America and much later in New Zealand, and would have been ‘easy prey’. Incidentally, faunas of both Africa and Eurasia are extremely wary of humans, possibly as a result of a far longer period of encounters with human hunter-gatherers. In Australia’s case, the use of deliberate fire clearing to improve visibility of game may have had a major role, although it is equally likely that the demise of large herbivores would have left large amounts of leaf litter and dry grasses to combust naturally. Yet the Earth as a whole around 40 ka was slowly cooling and drying towards the last glacial maximum around 20 ka, so human influence may merely have pushed the megafauna towards extinction, such is the fragility of Australia’s ecosystems.
Feathered and fluffy dinosaurs in the families that may have led to birds have become almost commonplace, thanks to wonderful preservation in some Chinese Mesozoic sedimentary rocks (see http://earth-pages.co.uk/2003/03/01/flying-feathers/) and what has become a cottage industry for local people, under professional direction. Most have been small theropods in the Coelurosauria taxonomic branch that span the Jurassic and Cretaceous Periods. The famous Lower Cretaceous Liaoning lagerstätte in NE China recently yielded something truly awesome: three well-preserved specimens of a feathered dinosaur almost as large as the giant tyrannosaurs of the Late Cretaceous (i.e. > 1 tonne in life) (Xu, X. et al.2012. A gigantic feathered dinosaur from the Lower Cretaceous of China. Nature, v. 484. P. 92-95). In fact Yutyrannus huali (‘beautiful feathered tyrant)is a member of the same subgroup as the Upper Cretaceous T. rex and was clearly a top predator in its day. Equally fortuitous is that the three specimens comprise one with a living body weight of about 1.4 t, the other two being between 500 and 600 kg. Various differences between the largest and the two smaller individuals suggest that thee find represents two generations, the largest perhaps 8 years older than the two smaller ones. All three preserve densely packed filaments suggesting that they were fluffy rather than truly feathered. So why the difference from its probably scaly relative tyrannosaurs from about 50 Ma later?
Around 125 Ma global climate was considerably cooler than the Late Cretaceous greenhouse world, Liaoning probably having mean annual air temperatures around 10°C compared with 18°C late in the Period. Yutyrannus huali and some of its contemporary theropods probably evolved high TOG insulation to ensure all-season sprightliness. It is also possible that a display function was also involved, as seems to have been the case for other dinosaurs.
Asbestos mine tailingsat Thetford in Quebec, Canada.(Photo credit: Wikipedia)
Not many people would like to visit a waste heap at an asbestos mine. That is not because waste heaps are generally boring but all forms of asbestos are carcinogens when inhaled. Encountering pits in the tailings that emits puffs of warm air would cause health and safety alarm bells to ring. Yet that is exactly what has attracted researchers to the huge asbestos mining complex at Thetford in Quebec, Canada: the air leaving the vents can be extremely depleted in carbon dioxide (Pronost, J. and 10 others 2012. CO3-depleted warm air venting from chrysotile milling waste (Thetford Mines, Canada): Evidence for in-situ carbon capture and storage. Geology, v. 40, p. 275-278). More precisely, the depletion – down to less than 10 parts per million (ppm) compared with normal atmospheric levels of 385 ppm – occurs in winter, when the puffing pits emit warm air far above the frigid air temperatures encountered in winter Quebec. The chrysotile must be reacting with groundwater and CO2, and is therefore a potential means of using near-surface natural materials for carbon capture and storage (CCS). The end product is an innocuous carbonate – Mg5(OH)2(CO3)4·4H2O – and dissolved silica. Quite a find, it might seem, as the reaction is exothermic too: CCS plus geothermal energy plus safe decomposition of a major environmental hazard. In fact any magnesium-rich silicates are likely to undergo the same carbonation reaction, especially if ground-up to increase the net surface area exposed to moist air.
The parent asbestos rock at Thetford is a metamorphic derivative from mantle ultramafic rocks in an ophiolite, and the asbestos insulation business, both for extremely hazardous blue (crocidolite) and less dangerous white (chrysotile) asbestos has been hugely profitable since the 19th century. Consequently, wherever there are altered ophiolites, generally in collision-zone orogenic belts, asbestos has been exposed either naturally or through mining and processing. There are many related cancer ‘hot spots’ in populous mining areas of Canada, India, the Alps and southern Africa, and in dry climates even natural exposures pose considerable risk. Could these blighted areas take on a new role in lessening the chance of global warming? About 30 billion tonnes of CO2 are emitted by burning fossil fuels each year. To keep pace, at the current atmospheric concentration of CO2, some 75 trillion tonnes of air would have to react annually with about 100 billion tonnes of magnesian silicate, making this form of CCS the largest industry on the planet (http://www.newscientist.com/article/mg21428593.800-stripping-co2-from-air-requires-largest-industry-ever.html).
Another factor tempering somewhat forced optimism for CCS as a way of having our fossil fuel cake and eating it is that direct injection of greenhouse gases into deep storage may have an unforeseen down-side. Deep drilling and injection of fluids may trigger earthquakes. The alarm raised by small yet disturbing seismicity accompanying sites for shale-gas development by ‘fracking’ (http://earth-pages.co.uk/2011/11/04/fracking-check-list/ and http://earth-pages.co.uk/2011/10/14/britain-to-be-comprehensively-fracked/) has died down to some extent following detailed analysis of small earthquakes around drilling sites. It turns out that they are triggered not by the drilling itself but the subsurface disposal of the large amounts of fluids that have to be passed through the oil shales to make the tight rock permeable to gas (Kerr, R.A. 2012 Learning how to NOT make earthquakes. Science, v. 23 p. 1436-1437). Safe subsurface disposal requires injection wells penetrating 1 to 3 km below the surface, often below the cover of sedimentary strata and into crystalline basement. Such hard rocks store elastic strain induced by burial and tectonics, and release it when lubricated by fluids, especially if they contain dormant faults. Once impermeable rock can thus be hydrofractured in the same manner as ‘fracked’ gas-prone shales and old, often unsuspected faults reactivate: a catastrophic prospect for injected CO2. In sedimentary sequences, drilling CCS wells into porous rocks capped by impermeable ones – the scenario for ‘safe’ gas storage – could also induce ‘fracking’ of the sealing rocks and thereby causing leakage (see also http://www.newscientist.com/article/dn21633-fracking-could-foil-carbon-capture-plans.html).
Cast of footprints, probably of Au. afrensis, from the famous trackway of Laetoli in Tanzania (Photo credit: GIRLintheCAFE)
Much of what palaeoanthropologists have surmised about the evolution of humans and their hominin forebears has come from fossils of their heads. Crania, jaws and teeth can reveal a lot about human ancestors and related species, and inevitably smart modern humans would dearly like to know how brainy and clever they were and when possible intellectual changes, such as the acquisition of language, might have taken place. But only the rest of the body gives us clues about what they did and potentially might have done. If, like Darwin, and following his lead Frederick Engels (http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1876/part-played-labour/index.htm), we believe that the single most important development was adopting an upright gait and thereby freeing the hands to manipulate the world, then fossil hands and feet are of very high importance. Yet they are among the most fragile appendages consisting of a great many separate bones, each being small enough to be transported by flowing water once soft tissues decay and a corpse falls apart. And they are easily bitten off by scavengers. Heads are a lot bigger, heavier and robust, and being round and smooth, quite difficult for, say, a hyena or porcupine to gnaw. Moreover, disaggregated hominin foot and hand bones are not easy to recognise in fossiliferous sediments, especially if they have been scattered far and wide: the big prize being heads jaws and teeth, professional hominin hunters become expert at spotting them, but not necessarily the other 80% of skeletons.
Artists reconstruction of female Ardipithecus ramidus (Photo credit: Mike Licht, NotionsCapital.com)
So, the discovery of hominin hands or feet is a rare cause for celebration. A new partial foot has turned up in the hominin ‘bran-tub’ that is the Afar depression of NE Ethiopia (Haile-Selassie, Y. et al. 2012. A new hominin foot from Ethiopia shows multiple Pliocene bipedal adaptations. Nature, v. 483, p. 565-569) and has caused quite a stir. It is significantly different from the few other feet known from the hominin record. Moreover, it adds a sixth design to those already know, leaving out those of chimps, taken as likely to be similar to those of our shared common ancestor, Homo sapien, Neanderthals and H. erectus whose feet are much the same. While being easily distinguished from the feet of Homo species, those of australopithecines are sufficiently like them in basic morphology to suggest that Au. africanusand sediba both walked the savannas as upright as we do. But one of the earlier hominins, Ardipithecus ramidus, also from Afar but dated at more than 4 Ma, has provided an almost complete foot whose geometry , including a spayed-out, short big toe capable of grasping, almost certainly indicates that the creature was equally at home in trees as it was on the ground. Ardipithecus walked upright, but probably could not run as its gait placed the side of the foot on the ground, much like a chimpanzee, instead of proceeding heel-to-toe as we do (Lieberman, D.E. 2012. Those feet in ancient times. Nature, v. 483, p. 550-551). The new find seems similar, although better adapted for upright walking. Yet no other body parts have been found so it has not been assigned to a species, though it almost certainly represents a new one. The excitement concerns its age, which at 3.4 Ma is within the time range of Australopithecus afarensis, a family of which left the famous trackway at Laetoli in Tanzania whose foot prints strongly suggest full adaptation to human-like gait: walking, running and abandonment of partially habitual life in the trees.
It seems therefore that the multiplicity of co-existing hominins from 2 million years ago to very recently existed much further back in their evolutionary history. That raises several possibilities, among which is the possibility of repeated evolution of bipedality, hinted at by some similarities to the feet of modern gorillas in that of the newly found foot. Another implication is that simply being able to walk upright did not lead quickly to a tool-making ability because the earliest stone tools capable of cutting through meat, skin and sinew did not arise until 2.6 Ma. Like fossils of feet, those of hominin hands are extremely rare. The first crucial evidence of a hand with potential to manipulate objects delicately and with purpose is around 2 Ma, with the astonishingly well preserved hand of a young Au. sediba unearthed in South Africa (http://earth-pages.co.uk/2011/10/12/another-candidate-for-earliest-direct-human-ancestor/). Frustratingly, the 2.6 Ma tools are not associated with fossil hominins, and the Au. sediba skeletons had no tools.
Archaean gneisses from West Greenland (Photo credit: Wikipedia)
When continents first appeared; the pace at which they grew; the tectonic and magmatic processes responsible for continental crust, and whether or not crustal material is consumed by the mantle to any great extent have been tough issues for geologists and geochemists to ponder on for the last four decades. Clearly, continental material was rare if not absent in the earliest days of the solid Earth, otherwise Hadean crust should have been found by now. Despite the hints at some differentiated, high silica rocks that may have hosted >4 billion-year old zircon crystals from much younger sediments, the oldest tangible crust – the Acasta Gneiss of northern Canada – just breaks the 4 Ga barrier: half a billion years short of the known age of the Earth (http://earth-pages.co.uk/2008/11/01/at-last-4-0-ga-barrier-broken/). Radiometric ages for crustal rocks steadily accumulated following what was in the early 1970s the astonishing discovery by Stephen Moorbath and colleagues at Oxford University and the Geological Survey of Greenland of a 3.8 billion year age for gneisses from West Greenland. For a while it seemed as if there had been great pulses that formed new crust, such as one between 2.8 and 2.5 Ga (the Neoarchaean) separated by quieter episodes. Yet dividing genuinely new material coming from the mantle from older crust that later thermal and tectonic events had reworked and remelted required – and still does – lengthy and expensive radiometric analysis of rock samples with different original complements of radioactive isotopes.
One approach to dating has been to separate tiny grains of zircon from igneous and metamorphic rocks and date them using the U-Pb method as a route to the age at which the rock formed, but that too was slow and costly. Yet zircons, being among the most intransigent of Earth materials, end up in younger sedimentary rocks after their parents have been weathered and eroded. It was an investigation of what earlier history a sediment’s zircons might yield that lead to the discovery of grains almost as old as the Earth itself (http://earth-pages.co.uk/2011/12/21/mistaken-conclusions-from-earths-oldest-materials/http://earth-pages.co.uk/2005/05/01/zircon-and-the-quest-for-life%E2%80%99s-origin/). That approach is beginning to pay dividends as regards resolving crustal history as a whole. Almost 7000 detrital zircon grains separated from sediments have been precisely dated using lead and hafnium isotopes. Using the age distribution alone suggests that the bulk of continental crust formed in the Precambrian, between 3 and 1 Ga ago, at a faster rate than it formed during the Phanerozoic. However, that assumes that a zircon’s radiometric age signifies the time of separation from the mantle of the magmas from which the grain crystallised. Yet other dating methods have shown that zircon-bearing magmas also form when old crust is remelted, and so it is important to find a means of distinguishing zircons from entirely new blocks of crust and those which result from crustal reworking. It turns out that zircons from mantle-derived crust have different oxygen isotope compositions from those which crystallised from remelted crust.
An example of ages of detrital zircons from sediments, in this case from five Russian rivers (credit: Wikipedia)
Bruno Dhuime and colleagues from St.Andrew’s and Bristol universities in the UK measures hafnium model ages and δ18O values in a sample of almost 1400 detrital zircons collected across the world from sediments of different ages (Dhuime, B. et al. 2012. A change in the geodynamics of continental growth 3 billion years ago. Science, v. 335, p. 1334-1336). Plotting δ18O against Hf model age reveals two things: there are more zircons from reworked crust than from mantle-derived materials; plotting the proportion of new crust ages to those of reworked crust form 100 Ma intervals through geological time reveals dramatic changes in the relative amounts of ‘mantle-new’ crust being produced. Before 3 Ga about three quarters of all continental crust emerged directly from the mantle. Instead of the period from 3 to 1 Ga being one of massive growth in the volume of the crust, apparently the production rate of new crust fell to about a fifth of all crust in each 100 Ma time span by around 2 Ga and then rose to reach almost 100% in the Mesozoic and Cenozoic. This suggests that the late Archaean and most of the Proterozoic were characterised by repeated reworking of earlier crust, perhaps associated with the repeated formation and break-up of supercontinents by collision orogeny and then tectonic break up and continental drift.
Dhuine and colleagues then use the record of varying new crust proportions to ‘correct’ the much larger database of detrital zircon ages. What emerges is a well-defined pattern in the rate of crustal growth through time. In the Hadean and early Archaean the net growth of the continents was 3.0 km3 yr-1, whereas throughout later time this suddenly fell to and remained at 0.8 km3 yr-1. Their explanation is that the Earth only came to be dominated by plate tectonic processes mainly driven by slab-pull at subduction zones after 3 Ga. Subduction not only produces mantle-derived magmas but inevitably allows continents to drift and collide, thereby leading to massive deformation and thermal reworking of older crust in orogenic belts and an apparent peak in zircon ages. The greater rate of new crust generation before 3 Ga may therefore have been due to other tectonic processes than the familiar dominance of subduction. Yet, since there is convincing evidence for subduction in a few ancient crustal blocks, such as west Greenland and around Hudson’s Bay in NE Canada, plate tectonics must have existed but was overwhelmed perhaps by processes more directly linked to mantle plumes.
Elevation map of the South Pole-Aitken basin on the Moon, from the NASA/SDIO probe Clementine mission. magenta and blue show the lowest elevation rising through a rainbow spectrum to red, the highest elevations
The South Pole and the farside of the Moon contain, at 2500 km across and 13 km deep, the largest impact structure in the Solar System: the South Pole-Aitken (SPA) basin. Being partly camouflaged by many later craters up to several 100 km across, typical of the lunar far side and the lunar highlands in general, the SPA basin formed early in the Moon’s cratering history, and is unlike the mare basins of the near side that are filled with basalt lavas. The light colour of the lunar highlands into which the SPA basin was excavated signifies that they are dominated by almost pure feldspar in the form of anorthosite rock. These anorthosites are prime evidence for the former melting of much if not all of the Moon at the time of its formation: low-density feldspar with a very high melting point could only have accumulated with the degree of purity of anorthosite if early-formed crystals floated to the top of the magma ocean.
Total magnetic field strength at the surface of the Moon from the NASA Lunar Prospector mission
The other feature of feldspars is that they are among the least magnetic of minerals, so it came as a surprise that the northern rim of the SPA basin is studded with positive magnetic anomalies (Wieczorek, M.A. et al. 2012. An impactor origin for lunar magnetic anomalies. Science, v. 335, p. 1212-1215). Lunar samples returned by the Apollo Programme are consistently lacking in all but the weakest remanent magnetism, suggesting that the Moon either never had a magnetic field or if it did the field was extremely weak. Even if it did once have a magnetic field, the anomaly patterns are small with high amplitude and reminiscent of a target hit by a shotgun blast. Similar anomalies are scattered on the near side.
The SPA basin is elliptical, suggesting that the projectile responsible for it struck at an oblique angle. The far=side magnetic anomalies cluster exactly where impact modelling would suggest for debris displaced by impact from a northward travelling body. The interpretation arrived at by Mark Wieczorek of the Parisian Institut de Physique du Globe and colleagues from MIT and Harvard University in the US is that the anomalies mark landing sites for large fragments of an easily magnetised, iron-rich asteroid that excavated the basin. Moreover, the same impact might explain magnetic anomalies much further from the basin, on the lunar near side. The remaining mystery is how fragments of the impactor came to be magnetised. The impact would have ensured their being heated well above the temperature of the Curie point at which even the most magnetically susceptible materials lose their magnetisation. The most likely possibility is that the fragments attained their magnetised state at a time when the moon did have a core-generated magnetic field, albeit weak.
In late 2010 it emerged from genomic studies of a finger bone from Denisova Cave in eastern Siberia that a probably archaic human group had shared genes with ancestors of some modern humans who colonised West Pacific islands around 45 Ka ago, well before the last glacial maximum. Melanesians, including tpeople living in Papua-New Guinea have DNA that contains on average around 6% contributed from fertile interbreeding with Denisovans. This ancient groups are suggested by comparative studies of their and Neanderthal mitochondrial DNA to have split from them as lond as a million years ago. Now it seems possible that much more complete fossils of Denisovans may have been discovered in China (Curnoe, D. And 16 others 2012. Human Remains from the Pleistocene-Holocene Transition of Southwest China Suggest a Complex Evolutionary History for East Asians. PLoS ONE, http://www.plosone.org/article/info:doi/10.1371/journal.pone.0031918).
Skull from Red Deer Cave in Guanxi Province, southern China. Darren Curnoe
A block of sediment from Longlin Cave in Guanxi Province in southern China that was collected more than 30 years ago, has yielded skull fragments whose reconstruction reveals a most unusual individual, very different from anatomically modern humans, Neanderthals and from H. erectus. It had a wide flat face with highly prominent cheek bones, strong brow ridges and a diminutive chin. Remains of three other individuals found by recent excavations in Maludong (Red Deer) Cave 300 km to the south of Longlin share similar characteristics. Yet there are similarities to moderns, for instance CT-scans show that the brain likely had a height and frontal lobes similar to ours, but different from Neanderthals.
These are not truly ancient fossils; radiocarbon and uranium-series dating give an age range from 14.3 to 11.5 ka, around the time of the Younger Dryas cold episode that preceded the Holocene. These two individuals lived when East Asia had long been home to fully modern humans.
The finds perhaps open a major new focus for human evolution, directed towards less-well studied older fossils from elsewhere in the East including those referred to by Jonathan Kingdon as ‘Mapas’ from both southern and northern China. Certainly it will boost palaeoanthropological research within China
The earliest known ancestors of modern horses occur in Palaeogene mammal-rich terrestrial sediments of the northwestern US, particularly those of the Wind and Bighorn Basins. The first with clear horse-like features was Sifrhippus (formely Eohippus, or Hyracotherium), but famously it had four hoofed toes and was about the size of a household cat. Subsequent development to a single load-bearing toe has long formed one of the classic cases for evolution. Sifrhippus lived at the end of the Palaeocene. From the large numbers of well-preserved skeletons, this was a herding animal. The large numbers of fossils have also made it a candidate for testing a hypothesis that individuals of a mammal and bird species become smaller as climate warms: Bergmann’s Rule. The background to this view is that in modern warm-blooded or endothermic animal species individuals tend to be smaller the closer they are to the Equator.
The end of the Palaeocene was marked by a now well-documented rise in global surface temperature that left a marked sign of increased 13C in sediments spanning the Palaeocene-Eocene boundary, which is widely believed to have resulted from massive exhalations of methane from the seafloor. Bergmann’s Rule arose because there appears to be a general decrease in size of most mammal fossils through the P-E Thermal Maximum. Sifrhippus lived through the event and indeed did undergo 30% decrease in size at the start of the carbon-isotope shift marking the PETM. Moreover, after the isotopic excursion its fossils indicate a 70% increase in size (Secord, R. and 8 others 2012. Evolution of the earliest horses driven by climate change in the Paleocene-Eocene Thermal Maximum. Science, v. 335, p. 959-962).
The study was of Sifrhippus and other mammals over a period representing several thousand generations. It broke new ground in two ways: it used the size of the horses’ teeth to estimate body mass, and teeth of a variety of mammals afforded systematic measurements of both carbon and oxygen isotopes. The carbon isotopic analyses pin-pointed the span of the PETM locally, while oxygen isotopes charted local changes in average temperature. The results show remarkable coherence with Bergmann’s Rule, but reveal other interesting aspects of the PETM in North America. Oxygen-isotope in the teeth of different mammal species give some idea of their diet and habitat. Sifrhippus shows the highest enrichment of 18O in its teeth, which suggests that it ate leaves from which water evaporation selectively removed the lighter 16O, i.e. in open, dry areas. Another ubiquitous fossil, Coryphodon, consistently has lower 18O than other mammals, signifying that it was water-loviong and ate aquatic plants, i.e. not subject to evaporation. Matching O-isotopes for the two species across the PETM shows a greater shift in 18O for Sifrhippus than for Coryphodon, which suggests that hidden in the O-isotope record of temperature is information about rainfall variations during the PETM. To further support Bergmann’s Rule, changes in the size of Sifrhippus, do not correlate with the aridity index. So it seem that heat alone was responsible for dwarfing – the other possibility considered by the researchers was that decreased availability or quality of diet could have been responsible.
![Focusing the 100-millimeter Mastcam [detail]](https://i0.wp.com/farm9.static.flickr.com/8285/7881867862_d0e33b1c87.jpg "Focusing the 100-millimeter Mastcam [detail]")
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