The 2017 discovery in Morocco of fossilised, anatomically modern humans (AMH) dated at 286 ka (see: Origin of anatomically modern humans, June 2017) pushed back the origin of our species by at least 100 ka. Indeed, the same site yielded flint tools around 315 ka old. Aside from indicating our antiquity, the Jebel Irhoud discovery expanded the time span during which AMH might have wandered into Eurasia, as a whole variety of earlier hominins had managed since about 1.8 Ma ago. Sure enough, the widely accepted earliest modern human migrants from Skhul and Qafzeh caves in Israel (90 to 120 ka) were superseded in 2018 by AMH fossils at Misliya Cave, also in Israel, in association with 177 ka stone artefacts (see Earliest departure of modern humans from Africa, January 2018). Such early dates helped make more sense of very old ages for unaccompanied stone tools in the Arabian Peninsula as tracers for early migration routes. Unlike today, Arabia was a fertile place during a series of monsoon-related cycles extending back to about 160 ka (see: Arabia : staging post for human migrations? September 2014; Wet spells in Arabia and human migration, March 2015). The ‘record’ has now shifted to Greece.
Fossil human remains unearthed decades ago often undergo revised assessment as more precise dating methods and anatomical ideas become available. Such is the case for two partial human skulls found in the Apidima Cave complex of southern Greece during the late 1970s. Now, using the uranium-series method, one has been dated at 170 ka, the other being at least 210 ka old (Harvati, K. and 11 others 2019. Apidima Cave fossils provide earliest evidence of Homo sapiens in Eurasia. Nature, v. 571online; DOI: 10.1038/s41586-019-1376-z). These are well within the age range of European Neanderthals. Indeed, the younger one does have the characteristic Neanderthal brow ridges and elongated shape. Albeit damaged, the older skull is more rounded and lacks the Neanderthals’ ‘bun’-like bulge at the back; it is an early member of Homo sapiens. In fact 170 ka older than any other early European AMH, and a clear contemporary of the long-lived Neanderthal population of Eurasia; in fact the age relations could indicate that Neanderthals replaced these early AMH migrants.
Given suitable climatic conditions in the Levant and Arabia, those areas are the closest to Africa to which they are linked by an ‘easy’, overland route. To reach Greece is not only a longer haul from the Red Sea isthmus but involves the significant barrier of the Dardanelles strait, or it requires navigation across the Mediterranean Sea. Such is the ‘specky’ occurrence of hominin fossils in both space and time that a new geographic outlier such as Apidima doesn’t help much in understanding how migration happened. Until – and if – DNA can be extracted it is impossible to tell if AMH-Neanderthal hybridisation occurred at such an early date and if the 210 ka population in Greece vanished without a trace or left a sign in the genomics of living humans. Yet, both time and place being so unexpected, the discovery raises optimism of further discoveries to come
In June 2017 the likely age of the earliest anatomically modern humans (AMH) was pushed back to almost 300 ka with the dating of their remains found at Jebel Irhoud in Morocco. It seemed only a matter of time before their first departure from Africa would also be shown to be earlier than generally believed at between 90 to 120 ka measured from AMH remains in the Skhul and Qafzeh caves of Israel. Such an exodus may be reflected by dates (80 to 113 ka) from fragmentary and indeterminate human remains in China, but a more definite, far-travelled AMH presence in east Asia is, so far, limited to about 60 ka. Yet there is genetic evidence from Neanderthal DNA from Germany and Siberia for human-Neanderthal interbreeding at some time between 219 and 460 thousand years before present: a very hazy intimation but one that needs accounting for. The main phase of genetic introgression from Neanderthals into Homo sapiens has been estimated to have occurred at between 50 to 60 ka; more easily explained by the known AMH peregrination into Asia in that period.
Misliya Cave on Mount Carmel, Israel has now added to the Levantine AMH record. A partial upper jaw and some teeth provide morphological data that fall within the range of H. sapiens fossils, along with tools ascribed to the Levallois technology. This involved striking flakes from a prepared core – a tortoise-like bulge on the flake that detaches when struck properly to form a pre-sharpened flake, flat on one side and rounded on the other. This method was shared by both AMH and Neanderthals, and examples of the tools extend as far back as 500 ka in Africa and may have been invented by a common ancestor of both human groups. Levallois tools were found with the AMH fossils at Jebel Irhoud and also in the Levant at Tabun, dated at 190 to 260 ka, but with no associated fossil remains of their makers. Those at Mislya Cave yielded a mean age from the use of three different dating methods at least 177 ka ago, making the fossil jaw found with them the earliest direct sign of AMH outside Africa (Hershkovitz, I. and 34 others 2018. The earliest modern humans outside Africa. Science, v. 359, p. 456-459; doi: 10.1126/science.aap8369).
So, Mislya supports the genetic evidence of human-Neanderthal Introgression in Eurasia (see; Stringer, C & Galway-Witham, J. 2018. When did modern humans leave Africa? Science, v. 359, p. 389-390; doi: 10.1126/science.aas8954) and provides a spur to extend work in China and between Arabia and eastern Asia. For decades the anatomically modern human remains in the Levant have been sidelined, that near-Mediterranean area being widely regarded as a ‘boulevard of broken dreams’. That is, until Levalloisian tools dated at up to 125 ka were found in the United Arab Emirates and Arabia as a whole had been shown to have had a monsoonal climate during the glacial period that preceded the last, Eemian interglacial and in several later episodes. Once in the Levant, and provided they continually had a foothold there, AMH had many windows of opportunity to move further east without having to await falls in sea-level to open routes such as that across the Red Sea via Straits of Bab el Mandab.
DNA from the mitochondria of humans who live on all the habitable continents shows such a small variability that all of us must have had a common maternal ancestor, and she lived in Africa about 160 ka ago. Since this was first suggested by Rebecca Cann, Mark Stoneking and Allan Wilson of the University of California, Berkeley in 1987 there has been a stream of data and publications – subsequently using Y-chromosome DNA and even whole genomes – that both confirm an African origin for Homo sapiens and illuminate it. Analyses of the small differences in global human genetics also chart the routes and – using a ‘molecular clock’ technique – the timings of geographic and population branchings during migration out of Africa. As more and better quality data emerges so the patterns change and become more intricate: an illustration of the view that ‘the past is always a work in progress’. The journal Nature published four papers online in the week ending 25 September 2016 that demonstrate the ‘state of the art’.
Three of these papers add almost 800 new, high-quality genomes to the 1000 Genomes Project that saw completion in 2015. The new data cover 270 populations from around the world including those of regions that have previously been understudied for a variety of reasons: Africa, Australia and Papua-New Guinea. All three genomic contributions are critically summarized by a Nature News and Views article (Tucci, S & Akey, J.L. 2016. A map of human wanderlust. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/nature19472). The fourth paper pieces together accurately dated fossil and archaeological findings with data on climate and sea-level changes derived mainly from isotopic analyses of marine sediments and samples from polar ice sheets (Timmermann, A & Friedrich, T. 2016. Late Pleistocene climate drivers of early human migration. Nature, doi:10.1038/nature19365). Axel Timmermann and Tobias Friedrich of the University of Hawaii have attempted to simulate the overall dispersal of humans during the last 125 ka according to how they adapted to environmental conditions; mainly the changing vegetation cover as aridity varied geographically, together with the opening of potential routes out of Africa via the Straits of Bab el Mandab and through what is now termed the Middle East or Levant. They present their results as a remarkable series of global maps that suggest both the geographic spread of human migrants and how population density may have changed geographically through the last glacial cycle. Added to this are maps of the times of arrival of human populations across the world, according to a variety of migration scenarios. Note: the figure below estimates when AMH may have arrived in different areas and the population densities that environmental conditions at different times could have supported had they done so. Europe is shown as being possibly settled at around 70-75 ka, and perhaps having moderately high densities for AMH populations. Yet no physical evidence of European AMH is known before about 40 ka. Anatomically modern humans could have been in Europe before that time but failed to diffuse towards it, or were either repelled by or assimilated completely into its earlier Neanderthal population: perhaps the most controversial aspect of the paper.
The role of climate change and even major volcanic activity – the 74 ka explosion of Toba in Indonesia – in both allowing or forcing an exodus from African homelands and channelling the human ‘line of march’ across Eurasia has been speculated on repeatedly. Now Timmermann and Friedrich have added a sophisticated case for episodic waves of migration across Arabia and the Levant at 106-94, 89-73, 59-47 and 45-29 ka. These implicate the role of Milankovich’s 21 ka cycle of Earth’s axial precession in opening windows of opportunity for both the exodus and movement through Eurasia; effectively like opening and closing valves for the flow of human movement. The paper is critically summarised by a Nature News and Views article (de Menocal, P.B. & Stringer, C. 2016. Climate and peopling of the world. Nature, doi:10.1038/nature19471.
This multiple-dispersal model for the spread of anatomically modern humans (AMH) finds some support from one of the genome papers (Pangani, L. and 98 others 2016. Genomic analyses inform on migration events during the peopling of Eurasia. Nature (online). http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/nature19792). A genetic signature in present-day Papuans suggests that at least 2% of their genome originates from an early and largely extinct expansion of AMH from Africa about 120 ka ago, compared with a split of all mainland Eurasians from African at around 75 ka. It appears from Pangani and co-workers’ analyses that later dispersals out of Africa contributed only a small amount of ancestry to Papuan individuals. The other two genome analyses (Mallick, S. and 79 others 2016. The Simons Genome Diversity Project: 300 genomes from 142 diverse populations. Nature (online) http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/nature18964; Malaspinas, A.-S. and 74 others 2016. A genomic history of Aboriginal Australia. Nature (online). http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/nature18299) suggest a slightly different scenario, that all present-day non-Africans branched from a single ancestral population. In the case of Malaspinas et al. an immediate separation of two waves of AMH migrants led to settlement of Australasia in one case and to the rest of Mainland Eurasia. Yet their data suggest that Australasians diverged into Papuan and Australian population between 25-40 ka ago. Now that is a surprise, because during the lead-up to the last glacial maximum at around 20 ka, sea level dropped to levels that unified the exposed surfaces of Papua and Australia, making it possible to walk from one to the other. These authors appeal to a vast hypersaline lake in the emergent plains, which may have deterred crossing the land bridge. Mallick et al. see an early separation between migrants from Africa who separately populated the west and east of Eurasia, with possible separation of Papuans and Australians from the second group. These authors also show that the rate at which Eurasians accumulated mutations was about 5% faster than happened among Africans. Interestingly, Mallick et al. addressed the vexed issue of the origin of the spurt in cultural, particularly artistic, creativity after 50 ka that characterizes Eurasian archaeology. Although their results do not rule out genetic changes outside Africa linked to cultural change, they commented as follows:
‘… however, genetics is not a creative force, and instead responds to selection pressures imposed by novel environmental conditions or lifestyles. Thus, our results provide evidence against a model in which one or a few mutations were responsible for the rapid developments in human behaviour in the last 50,000 years.Instead, changes in lifestyles due to cultural innovation or exposure to new environments are likely to have been driving forces behind the rapid transformations in human behaviour …’.
Variations in interpretation among the four papers undoubtedly stem from the very different analytical approaches to climate and genomic data sets, and variations within the individual sets of DNA samples. So it will probably be some time before theoretical studies of the drivers of migration and work on global human genomics and cultural development find themselves unified. And we await with interest the pooling of results from all the different genetics labs and agreement on a common data-mining approach.
In September 2014, Earth Pages reported how remote sensing had revealed clear signs of extensive fossil drainage systems and lakes at the heart of the Arabian Peninsula, now the hyper-arid Empty Quarter (Rub al Khali). Their association with human stone artifacts dated as far back as 211 ka, those with affinities to collections from East Africa clustering between 74-90 ka, supported the sub-continent possibly having been an early staging post for fully modern human migrants from Africa. Member of the same archaeological team based at Oxford University have now published late Pleistocene palaeoclimatic records from alluvial-fan sediments in the eastern United Arab Emirates that add detail to this hypothesis (Parton, A. et al. 2015. Alluvial fan records from southeast Arabia reveal multiple windows for human dispersal. Geology, advance online publication doi:10.1130/G36401.1).
The eastern part of the Empty Quarter is a vast bajada formed from coalesced alluvial fans deposited by floods rising in the Oman Mountains and flowing westwards to disappear in the great sand sea of dunes. Nowadays floods during the Arabian Sea monsoons are few and far between, and restricted to the west-facing mountain front. Yet, older alluvial fans extend far out into the Empty Quarter, some being worked for aggregate used in the frantic building boom in the UAE. In one of the quarries, about 100 km south of the Jebel Faya Upper Palaeolithic tool site , the alluvial deposit contains clear signs of cyclical deposition in the form of 13 repeated gradations from coarse to fine waterlain sediment, each capped by fossil soils and dune sands. The soils contain plant remains that suggest they formed when the area was colonized by extensive grasslands formed under humid conditions.
Dating the sequence reveals that 6 of the cycles formed over a 10 thousand-year period between 158 to 147 ka, which coincides with a peak in monsoon intensity roughly between 160 and 150 ka during the glacial period that preceded the last one. Three later cycles formed at times of monsoon maxima during the last interglacial and in the climatic decline leading to the last glacial maximum, at ~128 to 115 ka, 105 to 95 ka, 85 to 74 ka. So, contrary to the long-held notion that the Arabian Peninsula formed a hostile barrier to migration, from time to time it was a well watered area that probably had abundant game. Between times, though, it was a vast, inhospitably dry place.
The authors suggest that the climatic cyclicity was dominated by a 23 ka period. As regards the southern potential migration route out of Africa, via the Straits of Bab el Mandab, which has been highly favoured by palaeoanthropologists lately, opportunities for migration in the absence of boats would have depended on sea-level lows. They do not necessarily coincide with wet windows of opportunity for crossing the cyclically arid Arabian peninsula that would allow both survival and proceeding onwards to south and east Asia. So far as I can judge, the newly published work seems to favour a northward then eastward means of migration, independent of fluctuations in land-ice volume and sea level, whenever the driest areas received sufficient water to support vegetation and game. In fact most of NE Africa is subject to the Arabian Sea monsoons, and when they were at their least productive crossing much of Ethiopia’s Afar depression and the coastal areas of Eritrea, Sudan and Egypt would have been almost as difficult as the challenge of the Empty Quarter.
From time to time between 130 and 75 ka fully modern humans entered the Levant from Africa, which is backed up by actual fossils. But up to about 2010 most palaeoanthropologists believed that they moved no further, because of the growth of surrounding deserts, and probably did not return to the Middle East until around 45 ka. The consensus for the decisive move out of Africa to Eurasia centred on crossings of the Straits of Bab el Mandab at the entrance to the Red Sea, when sea level fell to a level that would have allowed a crossing by rafting over narrow seaways. The most likely time for such n excursion was during a brief cool/dry episode around 67 ka that coincided with an 80 m fall in global sea level: the largest since the previous glacial maximum (see Evidence for early journeys from Africa to Asia).
In 2011 finds reported from the United Arab Emirates of ‘East African-looking’ Middle Palaeolithic tools in sediment layers dated at 125, 95 and 40 ka led some to speculate that there must have been an eastward move from the Levant by anatomically modern humans (see Human migration – latest news). That view stemmed from the fact that the earliest date was during the last interglacial when sea level would have been as high as it is today, and around 95 ka it would have been little different. That report coincided with others about freshwater springs having emanated from uplifted reefs around the edges of the Arabian Peninsula during the last interglacial, and the existence of substantial lakes deep within the subcontinent around that time (see Water sources and early migration from Africa). Substantial funding followed such exciting news and results of new research are just beginning to emerge (Lawler, A. 2014. In search of Green Arabia. Science, v. 345, p. 994-999).
A team led by Michael Petraglia of the University of Oxford has used field surveys and remote sensing to reveal a great many, now-vanished lakes across the Arabian Peninsula, including many in the fearsome Rub al Khali or Empty Quarter. They are linked by an extensive, partly sand-hidden network of palaeochannels, which include several of the major wadis; a system that once drained towards the Persian Gulf. As well as abundant freshwater molluscs and other invertebrates, former lakeshore sediments are littered with huge numbers of stone tools, also with East African affinities (Scerri, E.M.L. et al. 2014. Unexpected technological heterogeneity in northern Arabia indicates complex Late Pleistocene demography at the gateway to Asia. Journal of Human Evolution, In Press http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jhevol.2014.07.002). Using optically stimulated luminescence dating, which shows how long stone objects have been buried, the British team has found tools dating back as long as 211 ka, with a cluster of dates between 90 to 74 ka. Modern humans, Neanderthals and even Denisovans may have made these tools; only associated fossil remains will tell. Yet it is already clear that for lengthy periods – perhaps of a few hundred or thousand years – the hyper-arid interior of Arabia was decidedly habitable. It may have been a thriving outpost of emigrants from Africa, whose abandonment as climate shifted to extreme dryness as the last interglacial gave way to Ice Age conditions, could well have been the source of the great migration that colonised the rest of the habitable world. Petraglia’s team has already courted controversy with their claim for anatomically modern humans’ tools in South Indian volcanic ash beds that date to the Toba eruption around 74 ka: considerably earlier than the more widely accepted post-65 ka dates of human eastward migration.
In March 2011 EPN reported in Human migration a puzzle relating to evidence for modern human occupation of Arabia on the southern shore of the Persian Gulf during the last Eemian interglacial at 125 and 95 ka. At that time sea level would have been as it is now, discouraging any attempt to cross the Red Sea via the Straits of Bab el Mandab; a widely suggested short-cut from East Africa to the rest of the world. Around 125 ka modern humans were making a living from coastal resources in Eritrea, leaving abundant stone tools in shoreline deposits at the head of the Gulf of Zula, and in the Sodmein Cave on Egypt’s Red Sea coast. They had also reached the famous Qafzeh and Skhul caves of Mount Carmel in today’s Israel around 100 thousand years ago. A route out of Africa through the Levant has not been widely favoured and the humans of Qafzeh and Skhul have been suggested to have reached a geographic cul-de-sac with no eastward exit because of the aridity of the Arabian Peninsula. Yet once in the Levant they could have skirted the desert interior by following the east coast of the Red Sea, and ‘strandloped’, as Jonathan Kingdon has dubbed following the coastline. But continuous access to fresh water would still have been essential.
The shores of the Red Sea preserve many examples of uplifted coral reefs, indeed signs of human presence in Eritrea occur in such a terrace. Being extremely porous, reef terraces are potential aquifers and a sign that they may have sourced freshwater springs is the conversion of the intricate coral skeletons from one form of calcium carbonate to another; original aragonite changes to calcite in the presence of fresh water, a complete replacement being estimated to take a thousand years of continual contact with fresh water. This change allowed Boaz Lazar and Mordechai Stein of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and the Geological Survey of Israel to check for the presence of freshwater coastal springs in the past (Lazar, B. & Stein, M. 2011. Freshwater on the route of hominins out of Africa revealed by U-Th in Red Sea corals. Geology, v. 39, p. 1067-1070). Their test site was a series of uplifted reefs near Aqaba on the Red Sea coast of Jordan. The authors determined variations in the 230Th/238U ratio in the reefs relative to that of 234U/238U and showed open-system addition of 230Th and 234U during the aragonite to calcite recrystallization, that results in an isotopic compositional trend charting the timing of any alteration. Thus, the original age of reef terraces can be backtracked, revealing at Aqaba successively higher terraces formed recently and at 120, 142 and 190 ka. The oldest of the terraces seems to have been flooded with fresh water at the start of the Eemian interglacial (~140 ka), and may have been a source of springs that would have served the earliest human travellers well. It remains to use Lazar and Stein’s approach at other reef terraces along the postulated northern exit route for the earliest modern human emigrants from Africa and, more important, to find traces of their passage.
Added 21 December 2011. The likely route for leaving Africa got a push towards the Bab el Mandab with publication of evidence for a greener south Arabia at several times in the late Pleistocene (Rosenberg, T.M. and 8 others 2011. Humid periods in southern Arabia: Windows of opportunity for modern human dispersal. Geology, v. 39, p. 1115-1118). On the eastern edge of the now hyper-arid Rub al Khali are a series of former lakes with thin sediments. When first discovered they yielded radiocarbon ages of fossil molluscs of around 40 to 20 and 10.5 to 6 ka. However recent dating using optically stimulated luminescence (OSL) of the dune sands between which occur lacustrine muds and silts suggest that the lakes were water-filled for lengthy periods before those ages – radiocarbon dating can be reset to younger ages by precipitation of carbonates on older fossils. The OSL results show wet periods around 80, 100 and 125 ka, suggesting that around these times the Intertropical Convergence Zone was pulled northwards so taking seasonal monsoon rains well into the Arabian Peninsula. They tie in nicely with a variety of other parameters, including the timing of lowstands of the Red Sea. This created episodes a few thousand years long that would have been conducive to humans living there and passing through en route to Asia around eastern Arabia and perhaps to the Levant up the west side of the sub-continent. Potential occupancy was shut off by long arid periods, which might have allowed only pulses of migration. Had such episodic diffusion occurred it might have left a record in human DNA that ongoing and planned population genetic research may reveal.
For decades palaeoanthropologists studying the Americas were dominated by a single idea; that nobody entered the continents before those people who used the elegant fluted spear blades first found near Clovis, New Mexico in the 1930s. These were eventually dated at a maximum age of around 13 ka before the present. One reason for accepting the Clovis people as the first Americans, apart from the lack of conclusive evidence for any earlier occupation, was the fact that glaciers blocked the route from the Bering land bridge of the last Ice age until about 13 ka. But migration may have been possible as far back as 30 ka along the Pacific coast after people crossed the Beringia flatlands exposed by fallen sea-level . There have been suggestions of pre-Clovis sites, but none have carried the weight of evidence to shift the majority from their position. This now has to change because of very high-quality evidence from a site in Texas (Waters, M.R.and 12 others 2011. The Buttermilk Creek complex and the origins of Clovis at the Debra L. Friedkin site, Texas. Science, v. 331, p. 1599-1603). The site in question is in sediments that lie beneath those containing Clovis style tools. In fact it has yielded more than 15 thousand items that are well made, but bear little comparison with the iconic Clovis tools. Almost 50 optically stimulated luminescence (OSL, based on time of burial after exposure to sunlight) dates show a clear increase in age with depth in the excavations, some reaching back as far as 33 ka. The authors favour a conservative approach and restrict their estimated ages to those artefacts found in a well defined stratigraphic horizon, which span the range 13.2 to 15.5 ka. The Clovis-first case seems to be closed, but a new phase in North America aimed at pushing back the time of first human colonising will undoubtedly begin now.