Category: Anthropology and Geoarchaeology

A biface, Acheulean hand axe is more than object of beauty produced by exquisite skill, this industrial genre was invented by African Homo ergaster around 1.6 Ma ago, became a central feature of Palaeolithic archaeology, and lasted until the last few hundred thousand years. Nobody doubts that production of these objects implies a brain that fashioned able to visualise a complex shape within a shapeless lump of rock and to devise a way of achieving it. Moreover, its longevity spanning several species of Homo to our own shows that skills were efficiently passed down through hundreds of thousand generations: possible evidence for linguistic skills in the makers and teachers. But what was it for? Experts have been at a loss to agree on a function: too heavy for hafting to a spear; more awkward for cutting than earlier Oldowan pebble fragments; produced with careful three-dimensional symmetry when a hand tool needs none; time consuming to make yet often found in great abundance and apparently hardly used. One idea is that they were in fact for throwing, in the manner of a discus, yet broken biface axes are rare. A more appealing hypothesis is that they were made for ‘show’ as an element in human sexual selection (Kohn, M. & Mithen, S. 1999. Hand axes: products of sexual selection? Antiquity, v. 73, p. 518-526). Kohn and Mithen argued that the primary function of hand axes was to advertise a maker’s “good genes”: an indicator of the knap­per’s geographic knowledge of suitable resources; his ability to execute a plan; his dexterity and patience; and his so­cial awareness. Those are all attractive qualities in a potential mate. They also suggested that the axes’ often near-pristine quality and occurrence in great numbers at some sites indicate that once their purpose was served, they were thrown away: ‘That man is so cool, he must be good at surviving’. Ten years after Kohn and Mithen first mooted the hypothesis it has come under criticism by April Nowell and Melanie Lee Chang, of the universities of Victoria, Canada and Oregon USA, respectively  (Nowell, A. & Chang M.L. 2009.The case against sexual selection as an explanation of handaxe morphology. Paleoanthropology, v. 2009, p. 77-88).

The critique begins by examining Kohn and Mithen’s interest in symmetry as an element in attractiveness, that Nowell and Chang concede, but consider to have arisen not in a sexual context but in development of vision, despite vision being an evolutionary ‘given’ vastly older than hominins. After a discussion of how fully modern human females base their sexual choices on non-physical attributes of potential mates, such as “niceness,” intelligence, sense of humour, compatibility, willingness to work hard and evidence that the partner in question is attracted to them, Nowell and Chang examine available archaeological evidence. Much of this concerns the ‘absence of evidence’. For instance, there is no evidence to suggest that females did not make hand axes and living females in gatherer-hunter societies do make tools. Other criticisms include: the absence of hand axes from Asia until migration there by H. sapiens [but the biface axe had not been invented when H. ergaster migrated there from Africa around 1.8 Ma]; not all biface axes are symmetrical [but they are nonetheless impressive]; and axes in large numbers generally occur where prey has been butchered, as at Boxgrove, and may have accumulated by hundreds of years of use and loss at such sites by seasonal hunting. The most serious criticism is that some hand axes do show minute patterns that indicate that they were used; although most axes have never been examined for wear patterns. My own conclusion is that the critique is based on absence of evidence for biface axes as ritual objects in sexual selection, but that is not evidence of absence, and I wonder if the 10 years taken to bring together contrary evidence has a bit to do with casting doubt on a not quite ‘PC’ idea. There are many intriguing facets of the fossil and archaeological records of hominins, none more so than those which may have a cultural connotation, like ochre caches (see Deeper roots of culture in EPN of March 2009) and the tear-shaped Acheulean axe. For most we may never know their true context, but can be sure that any curiosity and imagination we apply are reflections of imaginative and curious forebears.

Homo erectus in a cold climate

The famous Zhoukoudian Cave where Peking Man, now known to have been Homo erectus, was first found in 1929 is a lugubrious place. It seems the hominin fossil remains of at least 40 individuals were dragged there and eaten, hopefully by predators. They are by no means the oldest Asian hominins at less than 1 Ma, and their ancestors, probably African H. ergaster, migrated that far around 1.6 to 1.8 Ma ago. Until this year, decent ages from Zhoukoudian were a problem: the errors on estimates of around 500 ka were too large (the likely time lies in a ‘datability gap’ between the capabilities of Ar-Ar and ¹⁴C dating methods) to see if the hominins were living at such a high latitude (40ºN) in warm or cold conditions. The latter would be of great interest as it suggests both the use of fire and clothing, and probably adaptation to cooked tubers. In fact, even in the current interglacial episode Beijing gets mighty cold in winter. However, cosmic-ray bombardment can produce unstable isotopes that are suited to dating in that gap, provided materials have been exposed to them. The fossil-containing sediments in Zhoukoudian Cave contain quartz that was exposed at the surface and washed in at the same time as H. erectus individuals were dragged in. Decay of cosmogenic ²⁶Al to ¹⁰Be and measurement of parent and daughter isotopes in quartz grains have yielded ages of 770±80 ka, somewhat older than earlier estimates (Shen, G. et al. 2009. Age of Zhoukoudian Homo erectus determined with ²⁶Al/¹⁰Be dating. Nature, v. 458, p. 198-200). This age roughly correlates with layers in the western Chinese windblown loess deposits that were deposited during the dry conditions of a minor glacial episode.

See also: Ciochon, R.L. & Bettis, E.A. 2009. Asian Homo erectus converges in time. Nature, v. 458, p.153-154. Gibbo0ns, A. 2009. Ice age no barrier to ‘Peking Man’. Science, v.  323, p. 1419.

 

Walking with the ancestors

From time to time the most evocative hominin trace fossils come to light, such as the Australopithecus afarensis footprints fount by Mary Leakey at Laetoli in Tanzania. A recent one is of footprints of a probable H. ergaster dating back to 1.5 Ma near Lake Turkana in Kenya, not far from the site of the famous ‘Turkana Boy’ skeleton of the same species (Bennett, M.R. and 11 others 2009. Early hominin foot morphology based on 1.5-million-year old footprints from Ileret, Kenya. Science, v. 323, p. 1197-1201). Not only does the trackway reveal details of flesh, skin and bones of the feet, but careful analysis of 3-D scans of the prints, in the context of the mechanical properties of the material walked upon, allows the authors to show that the person who left them moved in essentially the same way as do we when walking through soft mud. They are distinctly different from the Laetoli prints, showing arches and very distinct big toes that are so necessary for ‘springiness’ and bipedal balance respectively.

See also: Crompton, R.W. & Pataky, T.C. 2009. Stepping out. Science, v. 323, p. 1174-1175.

There has long been a pervasive aroma of eurocentrism in cultural palaeoanthropology, encouraged by the spectacular cave paintings in southern France and northern Spain that are no more than 40 ka in age and the first to be discovered. This undoubted flowering of art as we appreciate it today has been linked to much more than figurative expression. Some have argued that Homo sapiens only became fully human after Europe was colonised. Thankfully, the archaeological record is rapidly being set straight by more and more discoveries of symbolic representation from elsewhere (Balter, M. 2009. On the origin of art and symbolism. Science, v. 323, p. 709-711). Blomberg Cave In South Africa is a repository for 100 ka old inscribed ochre artefacts (Balter, M. 2009. Early start for human art? Ochre may revise timeline. Science, v. 323, p. 569), which represent symbolism of some kind and the imagined uses to which the ochre was put – ritual or cosmetic body painting? But there are tantalising objects that push art back even further. In 1999 a cache of stone tools at Tan-Tan in Morocco was found to include a 6 cm quartzite chunk that looks like a rough version of the ‘Aurignacian Venuses’ of later times, yet the find dates back to 300 to 500 ka. Something similar turned up in the 250 ka site of Berekhat Ram in the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights of Syria. Both predate the evolution of fully modern humans. And what of the tear-drop shaped biface ‘axes’ associated with H. erectus and H. ergaster as far back as 1.6 Ma? These are extremely odd objects, for several reasons: it is hard to visualise their use; many finds are in pristine condition, as if never used; to make one demands a mental model of what potentially lies within a rock; they are more difficult to make than later blade tools that are more utilitarian. Arguably, the ‘Acheulean hand axe’ may be more of a symbol than a tool.

The reason for renewed discussion in print of these matters is, of course, the bicentenary of Charles Darwin’s birth and the 150th anniversary of publication of his Origin of Species. Darwin drew a link between tool making and language in his Descent of Man. He would have been delightedly surprised to learn details of the emergence of new tool-making skills in Africa, from where he insisted we all came (Morgan, L.E. & Renne, P.R. 2009. Diachronous dawn of Africa’s Middle Stone Age: New 40Ar/39Ar ages from the Ethiopian Rift. Geology, v. 36, p. 967-970). Morgan and Renne, of the University of California at Berkeley, discovered that the oldest sites in the Main Ethiopian Rift that contain the novel tools that mark the onset of the Middle Stone Age (MSA) span a much greater interval than assumed hitherto. In one site such tools date to 276 ka, whereas at another such objects appear only at 183 ka. The more delicate work to make MSA points and blades, and a much diversified ‘tool kit’ has been called the Levallois technique, thought to have been associated with a cognitive leap from the Lower Palaeolithic Oldowan and Acheulean techniques. For some it came to signify more: the appearance of fully modern humans. But the new ages do not tally with the fossil record of H. sapiens or with estimates from mitochondrial DNA molecular clocks. All in all, culture, whether art or technology, seems to be characteristic of the genus Homo. Given a push bike, could H. ergaster have ridden it and, more important, had fun? What would a Neanderthal, male or female, have done with a tube of lipstick?

The Neanderthal genome is coming!
Some computer owners take part in the search for extraterrestrial intelligence, allowing SETI to combine their processing power with that of hundreds of others, on the off chance that the meaning of  (pi) pops up in a systematic burst of non-static microwaves. Personally I would far rather wait for a message from a relative than from some seriously weird being whose motives we might never guess. A Neanderthal lady – more precisely her leg bone –from Croatia is very close to speaking volumes about our own history. Two teams of DNA sequencers are putting the finishing touches to her genome. That it would ever happen was a fevered dream not so long ago. That it will opens up a revolution in understanding our origins. To keep in touch, read Elizabeth Pennisi’s account of the pending revelations (Pennisi, E. 2009. Tales of a prehistoric human genome. Science, v. 323, p. 866-871). Svante Paabo gave a glimpse of his team’s rough draft of the genome at the AAAS annual meeting in February 2009. When analyses are finished palaeoanthropology will explode onto the news channels, blogs, and among the twittering classes. Should SETI get a result, I would first eat my trousers and then prepare to be eaten myself. As for Darwin, maybe you have noticed his prominent brow ridges…

The period between 300 and 30 ka was critical for the evolution of modern humans. Our mitochondrial DNA indicates that fully modern humans emerged around 200 ka. Projectile weapons that help define the epoch first appeared. Clear signs of self-adornment and symbolism also turn up during the Middle Palaeolithic. All of these developments took place in Africa, and the last two are reflections of the increased efforts by archaeologists in the continent from which we all originated. There is a long way to go to match the density of sites from which later periods in human history have been outlined in Europe, but progress is accelerating. One great hindrance has been dating sites, for the Middle Palaeolithic lies in a time zone where the Ar-Ar and ¹⁴C methods are ineffective. A developing chronological ‘workhorse’ for this difficult period depends on the way in which exposure of sand grains to sunlight ‘heals’ the defects in their molecular structure formed when radioactive isotopes in soils emit ionising radiation. Artificial illumination of sand grains containing these defects causes them to luminesce. The degree of luminescence is related to the time over which the defects have built up. Optical dating relies on grains having been exposed at the surface for a time to ‘reset’ the luminescence clock, and then being buried so that new defects can accumulate. Having lots of sunlight and a superabundance of bare sand, Australia has become a hotbed of research into optical dating of events associated with its peopling during the last ice age. Expertise developed there has been applied to many Middle Palaeolithic sites in Southern Africa (Jacobs, Z. et al. 2008. Ages for the Middle Stone Age of Southern Africa: Implications for human behaviour and dispersal. Science, v. 322, p. 733-735).

Archaeological work in South Africa and Namibia has revealed two distinct stone industries in the Middle Palaeolithic, both of which made hafted weapons that would have made hunting more efficient than the whatever weapons were used in earlier times – the most distinctive of the preceding Lower Palaeolithic tools was the bifacial hand axe, whose use is obscure. Both cultures involved the earliest recognisable ornamentation, such as shell beads and materials engraved with symbols, together with indirect evidence for the use of hematite and goethite pigments for body painting (see When and where ‘culture’ began in EPN of November 2007). Genetic evidence famously places modern human origins and their global migration out of Africa within this time frame. So, dating the archaeological sites as accurately as possible is a crucial importance, and a tremendous start has been made by the multinational team lead by Zenobia Jacobs of the University of Woolangong in Australia. Optical ages span 90 to 30 ka, with clusters between 71.9 to 71 ka and 64.8 to 59.5 ka, with a statistically significant gap of about 6.7 thousand years between them. When compared with climatic-change indicators from the Antarctic ice record the developmental episodes do not seem to correlate clearly with any specific warm of cool periods, though the earlier spans the time of the Toba super-eruption in Indonesia and the later one was a period of warming. So any environmental cause for the technological and cultural changes is unclear. However, both fall within the estimated time span of the genetic ‘bottleneck’ between 80 and 60 ka, and the most likely times for the initial ‘Out of Africa’ migrations, probably across the Straits of Bab el Mandab linking Eritrea and Arabia across the Red Sea shallowed by ice-cap linked falls in global sea level.

Childhood and families

Human females are unlikely to break 10 seconds for the 100 metres because of their sashaying gait. It can’t be helped, being due to the evolution of the pelvic girdle of bipedal females to deal with birthing of infants with increasingly large heads. Supposedly, the human female pelvis is now close to the limit that will permit walking on two legs. Such problems do not plague other living primates partly because their young have small heads relative to their bulk, and pelvic anatomy is not constrained by an habitually upright gait. It seems not to have been an ‘issue’ for australopithecines either: they did not possess ‘child-bearing hips’. The intermediate species, Homo erectus, despite having a 1 Ma fossil record (maybe as long as 1.8 Ma for the Asian form) only recently provided substantial pelvic remains (Simpson, S.W. et al. 2008. A female Homo erectus pelvis from Gona, Ethiopia. Science, v. 322, p. 1088-11092). In the words of the authors, this pelvis is ‘obstetrically capacious’ and demonstrates that female skeletal evolution responded to increasing foetal brain size: it would have permitted infants with heads 30 to 50% of the adult size to have been born. Homo erectus has been widely supposed to have had a tall willowy frame analogous to that of fully modern human inhabitants of tropical savannahs, yet the Gona woman was stocky. So, environmental influences seem to have had less of an evolutionary role than the advantages of greater brain development before birth. That places H. erectus even more firmly on the human line; indeed greater in utero brain development seems to have taken place than in modern humans.

The Gona pelvis demands re-evaluation of how foetal and childhood development has progressed over the last two million years (Gibbons, A. 2008. The birth of childhood. Science, v. 322, p. 1040-1043), the unique attributes having appeared during the evolution of our own genus. Among chimpanzees, infants can fend for themselves, with a little help from elders, after 3 years old. Street children from Asia and South America need to be 6 before they can survive without parental care. Growth lines on teeth that appear week by week reveal that previous age estimates for a number of immature australopithecines whose first adult molars had erupted were large overestimates: instead of 6 they point to 4 years old. Another signal feature of human development is the lengthy period to full development (marked by the eruption of the 3^rd molar as well as the end of significant growth in stature). The average age when human child bearing begins is around 19, while chimpanzees start at about 11. A fresh examination of the famous Turkana Boy’s skeleton, an H. erectus, that uses tooth microstructure reduces his age at death from 13 to 8, suggesting an earlier onset of independence than in modern children. He grew much more quickly too, and would have reached adulthood somewhat earlier: around 14.5 years old. The picture with Neanderthals is not completely clear, some tooth studies suggest that their children grew significantly more quickly than modern ones, other studies point to the same rates or even longer development if adult brain sizes of Neanderthals are taken into account (larger on average than those of modern humans). Using average life expectancy of gatherer-hunter humans and chimps who survive dependent childhood – 45 and 70 years respectively – along with evidence for child development, suggests that australopithecines could have reached 45 while H. erectus adults could have expected to reach 60 years old.

There are other differences that begin to slot into space with the new data. Both human and chimpanzee females have a similar child-bearing period of around 20-25 years. The difference is that, on average, the natural interval between births is about half as long for human mothers as for chimpanzees. The greater number of human offspring gives a greater chance of the survival of some to reproduce themselves. On the other hand, slower child development places a greater burden on mothers, even after weaning. So there is quite a contradiction between the evolutionary effects, if only child-mother relationships are taken into account. This contradiction was resolved, to some extent, by a seminal paper in the late 20^th century by a group of anthropologists from the Universities of Utah and California (see O’Connell, J.F., Hawkes, K. & Blurton Jones, N.G. 1999. Grandmothering and the evolution of Homo erectus. Journal of Human Evolution, v. 36, p. 461-485). They focussed on the potentialities of the early onset of infertility or the menopause among women relative to its appearance among female chimpanzees, which gives, on average, a 30 year non-child-bearing period to older women. This approximately coincides not only with child-rearing periods for their daughters, but for their granddaughters as well. The ‘grandmothering’ hypothesis for human development centres on the great evolutionary advantages of post menopausal women assisting with child rearing. O’Connell et al. suggested that this arose among H. erectus, as far back as 1.8 Ma, and the Gona pelvis together with other new views of H. erectus development add considerable weight to that concept. As well as freeing younger women for food gathering, the cultural significance of older women caring for children adds another dimension that may link to the advantages of delayed post-weaning development that we see today, albeit in many annoying contexts!

Which human species first controlled and used fire has been debated for as long as archaeologists began to realise we had a long and complex ancestry. Because sites can easily be contaminated by charcoal from natural fires it has been difficult to present convincing evidence. But there is a way to get believable data. Stone tools and fragments from their manufacture may have fallen in fires set by hominins, and show changes caused by intense heating. One such example comes from a long-occupied site in Israel (Alperson-Afil, N. 2008. Continual fire-making by Hominins at Gesher Benot Ya‘aqov, Israel. Quaternary Science Reviews, v. 27, p. 1733–1739). Nira Alperson-Afil of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem investigated small flint artefacts, probably flaked off during tool making, from eight levels excavated at the site. In all of them some flint shards showed signs of extreme heating, such as discoloration, crazing and tiny bowl-shaped pits (‘potlids’) resulting from exfoliation of hot flint surfaces. The features are reproduced by experimental heating of flint shards, and do not occur in those that have not been heated above 300ºC.

Gesher Benot Ya‘aqov was first occupied around 790 ka, by Homo antecessor, and the excavation levels may span around 100 ka. The site is the earliest to provide convincing evidence not only for the use of fire, but that it was a continuous part of the hominins’ culture: they could make it at will. Alperson-Afil suggests that fire making may have been an integral part of the Acheulean culture, well known for finely crafted biface axes, since its inception around 1.6 Ma ago. Ambiguous evidence for hominin fire use, such as burnt bones and reddened sediments, has been found at several sites in Africa dated between 1 and 1.5 Ma. Alperson-Afil’s meticulous micro-forensics should help African archaeologists and those working at very old sites left by migrating hominins in Georgia and Asia to check whether fire has such a long-lived place in our evolutionary history.

 

Because sea levels rose world-wide after the last glacial maximum, archaeologists have been largely stymied as regards exactly where migrating people lived and what they did. Much migration since fully modern humans left Africa around 70-80 ka is likely to have been ‘strandloping’ along coastal lowlands exposed as sea level fell as the last glacial period developed. Of course, this vast area is now drowned. It takes both a lot of work and a degree of good fortune to make anything of this landscape for ancient humans. Luck definitely played its part in getting some clue about one of the last of the migrations: from continental Europe to the British Isles, in the aftermath of the last glacial maximum. Trawlers have dredged not only animal bones from what was a great plain where the North Sea now sits, but also a superb bone harpoon point recovered in 1931. It has been a while in coming, but researchers at Birmingham University, UK have finally defined and mapped that drowned land area – Doggerland (see: Spinney, L. 2008. The lost world. Nature, v. 454, p. 151-153).

The hominin genus Paranthropus rarely hits the front page by comparison with the related australopithecines, despite their having had jaw and cheek bones that would put Sandy Shaw and a variety of 60s catwalkers to shame. (It is only polite to observe that there the vague similarity ends, for paranthropoids have a bizarre skull crest for attachment of jaw muscles and brow ridges that were probably better than a baseball cap at preventing glare.) The first (P. boisei) to be unearthed at Olduvai, Tanzania in 1959, was dubbed ‘Nutcracker Man’ by its finder Philip Tobias. Despite having formidable chewing tackle to drive its massive flat, thickly enameled cheek teeth, wear on their surfaces is little different from that on the teeth of ‘gracile’ australopithecines. (Ungar, P.S. et al. 2008. Dental Microwear and Diet of the Plio-Pleistocene Hominin Paranthropus boisei. PLoS ONE, v. 3, on-line e2044 (www.plosone.org) doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0002044). They show no sign of the microscopic pitting that characterises teeth of living primates that eat hard, brittle foods, such as nuts or woody stems.  Similar studies of the teeth of P. robustus show insufficient wear to suggest an habitual diet of that kind, although it may have eaten such foods when others were in short supply. Chances are that huge jaws and big teeth evolved to give paranthropoids a wider choice of diet and hence greater fitness in a climatically fluctuating terrain. It seems they chose to eat soft foods when available, as do gorillas today. In any event, they were remarkably successful creatures, and the two species cohabited the East African savannah with several human species, including H. erectus, for around a million years from 2.2 Ma when they appeared. Carbon-isotope data obtained from 20 paranthropoid and 25 australopithecine teeth by other researchers reveal a broad but similar diet for both, i.e. a mix of grasses and fruits, suggesting both had eating habits that could shift from apes to those of baboons. However, such C-isotope data cannot distinguish between exclusive vegetarianism and eating the flesh of herbivores. Low dental wear is also associated with meat eating…

See also: Gibbons, A. 2008. Australopithecus not much of a nutcracker. Science, v.  320, p. 608-609; part of a report on the April 2008 meeting of the American Association of Physical Anthropologists

For decades palaeoanthropology of the Americas has been dominated by a single idea; that nobody entered the continents before those people who used the elegant fluted spear blades first found near Clovis, New Mexico in the 1930s. These were eventually dated at a maximum age of around 13 ka before the present. One reason for accepting the Clovis people as the first Americans, apart from the lack of conclusive evidence for any earlier occupation, was the fact that glaciers blocked the route from the Bering land bridge of the last Ice age until about 13 ka. Increasing evidence has suggested earlier penetration by people who did not use Clovis tools from Asia, which reached Chile by around the same time and possibly as early as 33 ka. However, none of the evidence is definitive and the Clovis First hypothesis has been stoutly defended against this growing body of contrary evidence.

The ‘traditional’ idea of American occupation by humans after 13ka has taken a double whammy from an unusual set of fossils – of human excrement – discovered in a cave in Oregon. These have been dated at up to 15 ka and are unmistakably human, containing human mtDNA with genetic signatures typical of Native Americans (Waters, M.R. & Stafford, T.W., Jr. 2007. Redefining the Age of Clovis: Implications for the Peopling of the Americas. Science v. 315, p. 1122-1126; Gilbert, M.T.P et al. 2008. DNA from pre-Clovis human coprolites in Oregon, North America. Science, DOI:10.1126/science.1154116).

Ideas of how and when the Americas were colonised are changing rapidly after decades of ossification. A fascinating article in the 14 March 2008 issue of Science magazine reviews the issues and prospects (Goebel, E. et al. 2008. The late Pleistocene dispersal of modern humans in the Americas. Science, v. 319, p. 1497-1502). Genetic studies of living native Americans suggest their common ancestry in a Siberian population no earlier than 30 ka, and perhaps as late as 22 ka. The Beringia land bridge had repeatedly created a possible migration route during every major glaciation followed by many of the Pleistocene mammals that inhabited the Americas, but not by humans until the late stages of the last glaciation. Dating of archaeological sites and remains, including the human coprolites found by Waters and Stafford, is slowly pushing back the earliest evidence for a human presence to around 15 ka, several trhosand years before the Clovis culture appeared. Sometime before that, the first Americans had arrived and begun to spread. Ice barred their way through the interior of Alaska and NW Canada, and they must therefore have travelled along the coast, where the way was open from Beringia to Cape Horn; perhaps they used boats to move along the flat, but frigid shores of Beringia and the rugged western seaboard of North America. Early populations subsisting on shoreline resources would not have needed the heavy projectiles of the Clovis culture that are more attuned to ‘big-game’ hunting on plains. That may explain the sudden appearance of Clovis artefacts once access to plains was possible around 13.5 ka and its equally sudden disappearance at the start of the Younger Dryas around 12.8 ka when survival on icy plains would have become very difficult. Interestingly, the period of occupation of Siberia around 30 ka, would have presented the Beringia route to migration to North America when climate was similar to that following the last glacial maximum. So far, no tangible evidence

Homo floresiensis had big feet

Controversy has raged about her identity since the skull of a minute female hominin was unearthed from the Liang Bua cave on the Indonesian island of Flores. On the one hand are authorities who believe the fossil is that of a distinct human species, while on the other are sceptics convinced that the diminutive stature and chimp-like brain capacity reflect some pathological issue in a population of ordinary humans. The 12 April meeting of the American Association of Physical Anthropology in Columbus, Ohio (see Culotta, E. 2008. When hobbits (slowly) walked the Earth. Science, v. 320, p. 433-435) were treated to an anatomical exposition of the rest of the Liang Bua skeleton. A great deal more turns out to be different from human characteristics, including the legs and feet. Amusingly, for J.R.R. Tolkien’s Hobbit had them, the feet of H. floresiensis were disproportionately large. Also, her gait was quite different from ours – a kind of careful, high-stepping plod. Although not all agree, the post-cranial bones of H. floresiensis appear to bear close resemblance to those of early Homo species. Those favouring a separate species from our own suggest either that it arose through allopatric speciation from SE Asian H. erectus  after isolation of a population on Flores, or perhaps even that it is a relic of an early migration of H. habilis from Africa almost 2 Ma ago. Whatever, it is now going to be even more difficult not to speak of hobbits.

Orrorin walked the walk

Orrorin tugenensis is one of those fossils over which palaeontologists tend get heated. It is a hominin, old (~6 Ma) and fragmentary, so it just might be the daddy of us all. That possibility takes a significant step forward with statistical evidence that Orrorin walked upright in a similar manner to the much later australopithecines and paranthropoids (Richmond, B.G. & Junggers, W.L. 2008. Orrorin tugenensis femoral morphology and the evolution of hominin bipedalism. Science, v, 319, p. 1662-1665). The study was made independently of the original discoverers, who claim that the femur has especially human-like features. Whichever, one of the original suggestions that Orrorin  was on the ancestral line to gorillas has become improbable. The creature clearly displays the oldest known example of a bipedal gait (the older Sahelanthropus (~7 Ma) is known only from skull fragments and teeth, although its skull’s foramen magnum hints at bipedalism). In itself, Orrorin’s walking biomechanics is remarkable, as molecular evidence suggests that the branching that led to chimpanzees and to hominins is not much older than 6 Ma. It does seem as if that phylogenetic split may well have centred first on adaptation for traversing open ground from a forest common ancestor.

Colonisation of Europe pushed further back

Europe is so close to Africa that in recent years repeated waves of immigrants have crossed the Straits of Gibraltar, often on frighteningly flimsy craft. Their driving force is simply the search for a better life in the booming economies of Spain and Italy. Far more intense pressure from deteriorating climate and vanishing game drove Africans of many earlier times to escape their home continent, reaching back almost 2 million years. So how come the European hominin record is so short? At last count it went to H. antecessor around 750 ka, albeit a species that was sufficiently adventurous to reach British shores (see Earliest tourism in Northern Europe in EPN of January 2006). The famous Sierra de Atapuerca cave systems in northern Spain have now yielded clear evidence of much earlier occupants from around 1.1 to 1.2 Ma ago in the form of a lower jaw fragment in association with tools and bones showing signs of butchery (Carbonell, E. and 29 others 2008. The first hominin of Europe. Nature, v. 452, p. 465-469). Provisionally, the person has been assigned to H. antecessor, and there are two possible interpretations: either (s)he was a new immigrant from Africa, or represents a new speciation in northern Spain from an earlier population of African colonists. The paper’s title may prove to be premature.

 

Sébastien Chabal, the gigantic and hairy back-row forward in the 2007 French World Cup rugby team, was nicknamed ‘The Caveman’ by French fans. Indeed he is an awesome spectacle, at almost 2 m tall and weighing over a tenth of a tonne, with great black beard and locks. But is seems that Neanderthals were redheads and probably prone to sunburn (Lalueza-Fox, C. and 16 others. 2007. A melanocortin 1 receptor allele suggests varying pigmentation among Neanderthals. Science, v.  318, p, 1453-1455). The team analysed DNA extracted from Neanderthal bones from Spain and Italy, and identified the mc1r gene that regulates pigmentation in many mammals. In both specimens it turned out to be a variant that is associated with fair skin and red hair. An artist has rendered a French Neanderthal man’s physiognomy from his skull, by combining this information with modern facial reconstruction techniques (in Culotta, E. 2007. Ancient DNA reveals Neandertals with red hair, fair complexions. Science, v. 318, p. 546-547). He seems set to become a pin-up among those ladies who favour the larger gentleman, even having a nose far larger than that of Gerard Depardieu. Although proof of the growing power of genetic analysis of ancient tissue, that Neanderthals were probably pale-skinned is not really surprising. They inhabited high latitudes for at least 200 ka longer than modern Europeans have, and the pale variant of mc1r is advantageous where sunlight is at a premium for creating vitamin D. Like modern Europeans, their immediate ancestors who migrated northwards were almost certainly dark-skinned.

Yet by far the most scientifically exciting outcome of the team’s work is the extraction from the Spanish Neanderthal bones of the FOXP2 gene, which is implicated in the development of speech and language (Krause, J. and 12 others 2007. The derived FOXP2 variant of modern humans was shared with Neandertals. Current Biology, v. 17, p. 1908-1912). It shares two mutations with FOXP2 in modern humans, that had previously been suggested only to have developed in the last 100 ka, so must have been present in the last common ancestor of fully modern humans and Neanderthals, around 300 to 400 ka. Although this discovery cannot prove that Neanderthals spoke, taken along with emerging evidence that symbolic skills were used by even earlier hominins (see When and where ‘culture’ began in November 2007 issue of EPN) it does suggest they were capable of as much sophistication as the earliest fully modern humans.

Is human evolution speeding up?

Another outcome of the acceleration in genetic analysis is an ability to scan vast numbers of differences in DNA from many individuals.  Highly productive are single nucleotide polymorphisms or SNPs (‘snips’) that are available from the international HapMap project. From analysing almost 4 million SNPs from 270 individuals has emerged an intriguing parallel between human population explosion since about 40 ka and an increasing rate at which new genetic traits have been incorporated into the human genome (Hawks, J. et al. 2007. Recent acceleration of human adaptive evolution. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, v. 104, p. 20753-20758). The link is not entirely surprising, for the exposure of more individuals to mutagenic factors will result in more mutations entering the total gene pool. Yet ‘weeding-out’ of unfavourable mutations also operates over time, so the fact that around 7 % of human genes seem to have changed over the last 40 ka, indicates the overall rate of human evolution must have speeded up remarkably. The analysis suggests that the rate rose to a peak between 5000 and 8000 years ago, for Europeans and West Africans respectively. ‘Received wisdom’ has for a long while been that fully modern humans went through a phenomenal spurt in evolution around 50 to 40 ka (but see When and where ‘culture’ began in November 2007 issue of EPN), and that somewhat Eurocentric view is overturned by the SNP evidence. Selection pressures must have risen to a peak around the time of the spread of agriculture and the rise of large social communities – big changes in diet and in exposure to communicable disease would be associated with those shifts.

In some respects the findings are cause for optimism. Global warming and rapid transformation of climate belts will expose billions of people to new experiences. Hundreds of millions, or more, may perish, yet our species’ evolution may speed up again. Let’s hope it leads to some improvement in avoiding self-induced misfortune.

See also: Holzman, D. 2007. How we adapted to a modern world. New Scientist, v. 196, 15 Dec 2007 issue, p. 8-9.

The Afar Depression of Ethiopia, especially the middle reaches of the Awash River, has become world renowned as the cradle for early humanity. After the revolutionising discovery in 1974 in the Hadar area of the 3.3 Ma old Australopithecus afarensis remains that became known as ‘Lucy’, other finds – Ardepithecus, Orrorin and Sahelanthropus hit the headlines, pushing back the age of possible human ancestors to almost 7 Ma. None of these had Lucy’s degree of preservation, and the vital issue for the origin of humanity – bipedalism – could only be addressed by scanty evidence about the position of attachment of the cranium to the spine. Much else had to be inferred from teeth and facial shape, and odd bits of long limb bones. Lucy and remains of other A. afarensis individuals that rain progressively washes from the badlands of Hadar provide an embarrassment of riches by comparison. There is little doubt that could walk upright, but a question that has lingered is whether or not it also clambered habitually in trees. The other missing information is the vital one of development, for one big difference between apes and us is the grossly extended infancy of modern humans during which the attributes of consciousness, language and much else that is unique arise. To get a grip on developmental issues demands near-complete juvenile remains. The oldest infant fossils that come close are those of a Neanderthal child from 100 ka ago. A dramatic paper (Alemseged, Z. et al. 2006. A juvenile early hominin skeleton from Dikika, Ethiopia. Nature, v. 443, p. 296-301) brings the spotlight back to Middle Awash and to A. afarensis.

The drama has been long in the making. Zeresenay Alemseged, an Ethiopian working in Germany, made the initial find in 2000, collecting more material and painstakingly exposing bones from their sandstone matrix, grain by grain, over the last 5 years. The skull and dentition are complete, and bar the pelvis, lower spine and some limb bones, so is the rest of the skeleton. Morphology points unerringly to A. afarensis, and the stratigraphic position is the same as that entombing ‘Lucy’. Even without the inferences that can be drawn from it, preservation of a complete body is a near-miracle that ranks with that of the ‘Turkana Boy’ (H. ergaster) and ‘Lucy’. The entombing sediments are those of a small stream, which discharged to a large lake that occupied parts of the Middle Awash area during the Pliocene, so that the body was quickly enclosed in fine sands, possibly after the child was washed away in a flash flood. The jaws contain adult teeth waiting to erupt and, by comparison with chimpanzees, they suggest an age at death of about three years, although comparison with human children would probably give an older estimate. The shape of the adult teeth is similar to those of female, so the infant is a ‘she’. Much more work needs to be done on ‘Selam’ (Peace in Amharic), but that reported so far bears strongly on the issue of bipedalism. The shoulder blades and semi-circular canals of the ear, on which balance depends, are ape-like, and a finger bone is curved like that of a chimpanzee. ‘Selam’ was equipped for climbing, but she has leg and foot bones with more human affinities, which would enable upright walking as well. Being a near-complete individual, ‘Selam’ can be compared with whole adult A. afarensis specimens, notably ‘Lucy’, and with modern apes and humans, to assess the crucial issue of development that should throw light on just how close the species was to a transition to the human species that arose about a million years later.

Interestingly, the same issue of Nature includes a mini-biography of the Tunisian-born geologist Maurice Taib. He was the first to work on the terrestrial Pliocene sediments of the middle reaches of the Awash River, thereby opening to road to palaeoanthropolical fame for the likes of Don Johanson, Tim White and two generations of Ethiopian scientists, whom Taib played a major role in training and encouraging (Dalton, R. 2006. The history man. Nature, v. 443, p. 268-269).

See also: Wood, B. 2006. A precious little bundle. Nature, v. 443, p. 278-281. Wynn, J.G. et al. 2006. Geological and palaeontological context of a Pliocene juvenile hominin at Dikika, Ethiopia. Nature, v. 443, p. 332-336.

Drying East Africa

The 7 Ma recorded history of humans and their hominin ancestors was almost exclusively East African, until early members of the genus Homo began to migrate in pulses after about 1.8 Ma. Exodus from Africa on several occasions has been linked with climate change or the opening of routes by falls in sea level during periods of massive ice accumulation at high northern latitudes. Likewise, the evolutionary adoption of a bipedal gait by formerly forest-dwelling apes was probably driven by climate change that saw the spread of more open savannah ecosystems. Records from fossil assemblages in river and lake-bed sediments of East Africa, and from pollen in nearby sea-floor sediments do show a reduction in woodland cover and a spread of grasslands since the Upper Miocene (6 to 8 Ma) – the period of hominin adaptive radiation. Most workers on African climate change in the Neogene attribute the shift to cooling, either through a fall in atmospheric CO₂ or the onset of Northern Hemisphere glaciation. Yet East Africa has its own engine for climate and ecosystem change: the formation of the great Rift system and the uplift associated with it. While recognised as a climatic influence tectonics in the region has been downplayed by comparison with global shifts. That is surprising, since in the last 20 Ma, and perhaps more recently, what was an area of low relief has been transformed while rift shoulders rose to more than 3 km, from Eritrea in the north to Malawi 6000 km to the south.

Before rifting began, flood volcanism poured out a basaltic veneer in the late Eocene to mid-Oligocene, to achieve a thickness of more than 2 km in Ethiopia. Rather than creating high ground the flood basalts, being denser than continental crust, probably caused subsidence that roughly maintained low surface elevations. The achieved their present high elevations in the Ethiopian Plateau no earlier than the late Miocene. Large plateaux deflect low altitude winds and seem certain to have influenced climate on a regional scale, as did the Tibetan Plateau. The timing and pace of East African uplift remains poorly constrained, partly because geological evidence shows highly episodic tectonics, with periods of seeming quiescence between episodes of extensive and profound faulting and uplift, and partly because many of the rocks involved are sparsely dated. Yet the present topography and geological infrastructure are sufficiently well known that modelling any morphological influence on climate is possible.  By considering several plausible tectonic scenarios, a team of French palaeoclimatologists have modelled the possibilities (Sepulchre, P. et al. 2006. Tectonic uplift and eastern Africa aridification. Science, v. 313, p. 1419-1423). Their models show that uplift may have shifted atmospheric circulation drastically to establish the strong seasonality that dominates the region nowadays. Applying their results to likely ecosystems results in a pattern of decreased tree-cover.

While convincing, Sepulchre and colleagues’ work demands more precise timing for the establishment of sufficient tectonic topography. Nevertheless, it shows that events, arguably beginning at the core-mantle boundary, that triggered East Africa’s dominant tectonic influence, the Afar plume, probably conditioned our own eventual emergence.

A lot closer in time is an analysis of climate change in the Eastern Sahara desert since the end of the Younger Dryas (<12 ka) that devotees of the ‘English Patient’ will find revealing (Kuper, K. & Kröpelin, S. 2006. Climate-controlled Holocene occupation in the Sahara: motor of Africa’s evolution. Science, v. 313, p. 803-807. Being based on 150 archaeological excavations, the account of sudden humidity after 8.5 ka and then slow aridification since 5.3 ka is persuasive background to the rise of the pharaonic kingdoms of the Nile once nomadic Saharan pastoralism slowly became impossible.

Asian migrations reviewed

Sometime between 100 and 60 ka, fully modern humans found their way from Africa to the Far East and beyond. The timing and the issue of how many migrations were involved are topics in turmoil, now that genetic analyses help trace linkages among modern people. That was semi-popularised by Steven Oppenheimer’s The Peopling of the World (2003, Constable, London), which remains the genetically based ‘straw man’ of human migrations. Like Oppenheimer, Paul Mellars also of the Dept of Archaeology at Cambridge University, argues for single exodus and rapid eastward dispersal, but leaves open the route either via the Straits of Bab el Mandab or through Mesopotamia (Mellars, P. 2006. Going East: new genetic and archaeological perspectives on the modern human colonization of Eurasia. Science, v. 313, p. 796-800). While genetic lines of descent are a most powerful tool, any conclusions need confirmation through ‘hard’ evidence from excavations, and both Arabia and the India subcontinent are irritatingly blank in that regard.  However, there are a few coastal sites that whet the appetite.  As Jonathan Kingdon first suggested, in Self-made Man and His Undoing (1993, Simon and Schuster, London), the most likely routes for migrants would have been along the shoreline. ‘Strandlopers’ would have had easy pickings from littoral food sources, even during periods of aridity related to global cold spells. But there is the problem: with sea levels well below the present ones, most truly ancient sites will now be hidden below the sea. As regards the route taken, much depends on what the Nile valley has to offer archaeologically, for that is the natural way to the eastern Mediterranean and access to the Arab Gulf either across Syria or skirting the mountains of Kurdistan. The route across the Red Sea already has excellent support by the discovery by the Gulf of Zula in Eritrea of abundant evidence for habitation by ‘strandlopers’ around 100 ka.

Humans left Africa with a meagre tool kits at a remarkably early date, possibly around 1.9 Ma from finds of primitive stone tools in Pakistan and Central China, and certainly before 1.7 Ma in the case of the now celebrated human remains at Dmanisi in Georgia and in Java. Around 1.7 Ma sites with evidence for human occupation extend from southern to north-western Africa and over 2/3 of the width of southern Eurasia. Despite the increased chances of preservation in later times, such a wide-ranging expansion seems not to have recurred until the fully modern human diaspora from Africa that began around 70 to 100 ka. Fossil evidence suggests that descendants of these earliest known migrants thrived until as recently as 20 ka in south-east Asia, and perhaps longer, if tiny Homo floresiensis prove to be other than symptomatic of congenital dwarfism. They represent a puzzle, and absence of evidence has deterred palaeoanthropologists from sticking out their necks, until a recent review of possibilities (Dennell, R. & Roebroeks, W. 2005. An Asian perspective on early human dispersal from Africa. Nature, v. 438, p. 1099-1104).

For a long time all human remains dated between 1 and 1.9 Ma were ascribed to H. erectus, whose type specimen hails from Java, not Africa. Anatomical re-evaluation of specimens from Africa, notably the famous, 1.6 Ma old Turkana Boy from Kenya, shows that they are sufficiently different from Eugéne Dubois’s Javan H. erectus type specimen to warrant a different species name – ‘Action Man’ or H. ergaster. The Dmanisi humans have close affinities, but are older. Therein lies one puzzle: apart from the very much more primitive (and very rare) H. habilis of east Africa, there is no obvious African candidate as an ancestor for H. ergaster there. Dennell and Roebroeks speculate that they migrated back to Africa after evolving there from some unknown earlier species. Another puzzle centres on the tools carried by the early migrants from Africa.

Simple chopper and rough flake tools first appear in north-east Ethiopia at 2.6 Ma, but with no clear sign of who made them. The first discovery of the earliest known tool kit was at Olduvai Gorge in Tanzania – hence their name, Oldowan. They are associated with remains of the earliest known human species H. habilis, but date only to 1.8 Ma. Since Oldowan tool use is now known to have extended over a huge range of Africa and Eurasia at that time, the original emigrants must have carried the culture with them sometime after its first appearance in Ethiopia at 2.6 Ma. The emblematic artefact of ‘H. erectus’ is the beautiful pear-shaped biface axe, yet it first appeared at 1.5 Ma in Africa, and did not make an appearance outside the continent until about 700 ka and never made it to east Asia until carried their by fully modern humans: it was an African invention. Oddly, these highly crafted tools are often found with little sign of wear, and indeed opinion about what they were for is divided.

The great problem in palaeoanthropology is absence of fossils, which is hardly surprising. Dennell and Roebroeks comment that most Late Pliocene to Early Pleistocene terrestrial faunas are nearly always of large, robust animals, and even they are uncommon. The ravages of erosion and transportation also make it difficult to date finds of stone tools, as they may have been mixed with younger dateable materials. With confidence, they rely on the old adage (not well liked by the Popperian school of scientific methodology) that, ‘Absence of evidence is not evidence of absence’, and also that the earliest evidence for a new migrant is bound to be younger than its first presence. They look to the palaeoecological record of the period, which suggests a vast extent of open savannah covering much of Africa and southern Asia in the period when the climatic effects of glacial-interglacial cycles had not gripped low latitudes to create the desert barriers of later Pleistocene times. For species adapted to savannah life there was little to prevent their very wide migration, indeed simple diffusion would have moved them across the entire savannah range. Once thought to be confined to the East African Rift, australopithecines have turned up as far afield as modern Chad, 2500 km away, and as long ago as 3.5 Ma. If such diminutive creatures with no tools could diffuse so far, then what might have been the geographic limitation to the earliest tool users? Moreover, diffusion has no direction in the area that presents its possibility: movement could have been back and forth. An intriguing point made by Dennell and Roebroeks is that climatic instability first appeared around 2.6 Ma in Central China, so any emigrants moving north would have been subject to greater evolutionary-selective pressures for longer. Homo ergaster might have evolved in Asia and returned to Africa in the face of worsening conditions. This approach raises as many plausible hypotheses as a stick can be poked at, and should re-vitalise palaeoanthropological research outside Africa as a means of testing them.

Dee also: Kohn, M. 2006. Made in Savannahstan. New Scientist, v. 191 (1 July 2006 issue), p. 34-39.